This past St. Patrick’s Day, Irish-Americans had extra cause for celebration. Early last month, the Northern Ireland Assembly unanimously approved legislation that will finally turn control of police and justice powers in the six counties of “Ulster” from Westminster to Belfast. By doing so, the body’s members resolved what many considered the final obstacle to implementation of the Good Friday Peace Accord of 1998—the agreement that ended a 30-year period of violent conflict that claimed the lives of more than 3,500 Catholics and Protestants. February’s agreement on “devolution” is a testament to the strength and perseverance of Northern Ireland’s political leaders and citizenry who, 12 years after reaching an initial agreement, have finally positioned themselves for a sustainable peace.

So, what lessons can be drawn from this remarkable achievement in peacemaking and conflict resolution? To what extent could those lessons inform the international community’s approach to issues like the Israeli-Palestinian conflict?

We spent several days in Belfast, Northern Ireland, interviewing people ranging from government officials to community organizers and cab drivers. In each of these conversations we asked a simple question: “What made the Northern Ireland peace process work?” Though the answers varied somewhat (often along sectarian lines), almost all agreed that the success of the Good Friday Peace Accord was the result of a combination of four key factors: courageous leadership by the relevant political parties, an inclusive negotiation framework that demanded commitment to a peaceful and democratic process, a strong public desire among Catholics and Protestants to see an end to violence, and the direct and unwavering support of the United States.

And what does this experience have to teach us about the conflict in the Middle East? Northern Ireland Secretary of State Shaun Woodward summed it up best when he said, “The Israelis and Palestinians should see from our example that it doesn’t have to be like this. If you work together, that which now seems impossible can be achieved.”

That promising message of hope carried us to Israel and the occupied Palestinian territories of the West Bank. There we found much the opposite of what we encountered in Northern Ireland. The dozens of Israelis we interviewed, whether they were members of the Knesset, academics, or local entrepreneurs, all communicated a depressing lack of hope about the prospects for a peace settlement. Their main explanation for this failure was that the Palestinian leadership was divided between Fatah in the West Bank and the “terrorist group” Hamas in Gaza. As one Knesset member put it, “We simply do not have a viable political partner in peace.”

In our interviews with Palestinians in the West Bank, we found equally pessimistic outlooks. Though the security situation seemed very much under control and the local economy was vibrant, no Palestinian we met believed that they would have an independent state of their own any time soon. As Issa Kassissieh of the Palestinian Authority Negotiations Affairs Department put it, “There is no hope. The state of Israel cannot see their interests and the Israelis are not ready for peace.” What people viewed as Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s arrogant and stubborn leadership was often cited as a potentially insurmountable barrier to peace.

It is not clear that situation in the Holy Land has any of the four factors that were present in Ireland—particularly when it comes to political leadership and even-handed U.S. support (although the recent diplomatic quarreling between Israel and the U.S. and the calls for a settlement freeze suggest this may change). It is also evident that the Israelis have gotten comfortable with the status quo, and the U.S. and Europe must take measures to change that. The spark to that change can begin with the 42 million members of the Irish-American community. Irish-Americans should unite as they did during the 1990s, this time in opposition to Israel’s illegal occupation of Palestinian territories, and call on the U.S. government to put more pressure on Israel to freeze settlement expansion and come to the negotiating table. Irish-American community leaders should also reach out to the Israeli, Jewish, Arab, and Palestinian diaspora groups in the U.S. to impart the lessons they learned in the 1990s and bring the parties together.

The EU also has a greater role to play in mediating this conflict. Imagine if a small group of its more powerful states got together and proposed fast-tracked EU and NATO membership for Israel, provided it negotiates a two-state solution and comes into compliance with international law. The promise of such memberships and the economic opportunities and security guarantees that come with them just might put enough positive pressure on Israel to do the right thing. Should the Israelis fail to take action, the EU would then need to consider punitive trade sanctions similar to those imposed on South Africa during its apartheid era in the 1980s. The message to Israel must be clear: We want to help you, but the status quo is unacceptable.

Twelve years ago Catholics and Protestants in Northern Ireland ended a conflict that many said was irreconcilable. As Irish-Americans celebrated St. Patrick’s Day last week and continue to celebrate the remarkable peace achieved on the Emerald Isle, it is important that we all remember the lessons that made that peace possible and how they can be applied to help Israelis and Palestinians achieve a lasting peace of their own.

Melinda Kuritzky and Brendan Rivage-Seul are graduate students of public policy and international affairs at Harvard University’s John F. Kennedy School of Government.