"The Democrats tried to use that on George Bush, and it didn't work then, and it won't work now," says Ray Howell, a spokesperson for Weld's campaign.
Without doubt, the central issue in the upcoming campaign will be the state's ongoing fiscal crisis, which has plunged the Massachusetts bond rating to the lowest in the nation and raised the specter of draconian cuts in local aid and human services for the upcoming year.
Like Pierce, Weld has made a "no-new-taxes" pledge part of his campaign. Unlike his opponent however, Weld insists that the state can close its $500 million budget deficit by cutting a total of $1 billion in the state work force, the state employee health insurance account and consultant contracts.
Opponents are skeptical of the plan, but itsbasic simplicity, combined with an early barrageof television advertisements could well draw invoters from both parties.
But Weld may also suffer rightwing backlashfrom his resignation from his federal post toprotest Attorney General Edwin Meese's involvementin the Wedtech scandal. Many conservatives chargeWeld with embarrassing the Reagan administrationand attack him for showing a lack of partyloyalty.
"My thought is that in some circumstancesfidelity to law becomes more important than partyloyalty, as a matter of fact in mostcircumstances," Weld says. "We did not blindsidethe White House."
Many Republicans were also upset with Weld'sdecision to run as a team with State Sen. A. PaulCellucci (R-Hudson), who abandoned his own questfor the corner office to run for lieutenantgovernor with Weld. Cellucci, who is pro-choiceand supports the Gay Rights Act, is alsoconsidered too liberal on social issues by many ofthe party's arch-conservatives.
Weld's federal appointments have helpedestablish a sound public service record, but havedistanced him from some members of both partieswho see him as a stranger to Massachusetts,spending a large part of his public life commutingto Washington.
"He doesn't really tune into local politics,and he doesn't seem to want to," says State Sen.Michael J. Barrett '70 (D-Cambridge), who livesdown the street from Weld on affluent FayerweatherAve. in Cambridge. "He lives in Cambridge, but Idon't know how interested he is in Cambridge."
Barrett says he was struck by Weld's lack ofinterest in meeting state government officials,both in passing and at various state events.
"That lack of interest in other public policypeople can be a fatal drawback," he says.
And State Rep. Richard R. Tisei (R-Wakefield),Weld's campaign committee chair, says in the earlydays of the race, his candidate had to learn a lotabout state politics.
"It wasn't very good in June," Tisei says ofWeld's speaking style, adding that the candidateoften did not acknowledge other politicians duringcampaign events.
"I was holding myself in check, I think, byhabit for many of my early appearances on thestump, and the consensus was that that was notvery effective," Weld says. "You got to swing alittle bit more for the fences as a politician."
"It's different," he says of his return toelective politics. You spend your whole life,professional life, learning discipline and thenenter another arena where rigor and discipline arenot the only valuable habits, particularly inspeaking style," Weld says.
Weld supporters, including Tisei, point totheir candidate's success in recent delegateselections to the March convention as indicatorsthat he is improving.
Howell estimates that Weld is ahead of Pierce,who has cemented extensive party ties as Houseminority leader since 1987, by 200 to 300delegates.
The Weld campaign hopes to win March 10, butHowell says regardless of the convention results,Weld will be running in September.
"Bill Weld will be a candidate in the primaryno matter what happens," Howell says