REPUBLICAN STRATEGISTS, however, believethat this year, Bulger is vulnerable. And DeJongsays he can win. He argues that Bulger onlyrepresents a small segment of the district, thosetied to him in South Boston, and that members ofother neighborhoods in the district can rallytogether and defeat the incumbent.

According to last September's primary electionresults, Bulger won by a 4000 vote margin. But atleast 7000 citizens cast votes for Bulger'sopponent--a political unknown--and another 4000left their ballots blank, leaving Bulger with only50 percent of the primary vote. Add inIndependents, Republicans and assorted undecidedsand one has a recipe for Bulger's defeat, DeJongsays.

DeJong, who attended Tufts University and TuftsSchool of Veterinary Medicine, says he also hopesto pick up support from a pro-choice liberalcontingent disaffected by Bulger's conservativestance on social issues.

On the surface, Bulger doesn't have muchto fear. The Boston Globe estimates that hiscampaign coffers contain roughly $500,000, whileDeJong says that he has only been able to raise$10,000 since last spring.

But other signs ought to be making the Senatepresident uneasy. One saying on the mouths ofresidents in the District goes "Out with the old,in with DeJong"--the name is pronounced De-Young.And two weeks ago, more than 2000 people gatheredat a "Beat Bulger" rally on the steps of the StateHouse.

These signals have Bulger worried, manyobservers say. For the first time, Bulger isleaving his home turf in South Boston andventuring into other parts of the district to gethis name known. Voters report being deluged withpro-Bulger mail, and seeing his name, and face,everywhere--even in the local weeklies.

But within the peninsula that is South Boston,appearances speak to a Bulger victory. In an urbanenclave still dominated by Irish-Americans, Bulgeris regarded as a powerful protector of rights toooften forgotten by other politicians. Forinstance, Boston Mayor Raymond L. Flynn, a SouthBoston resident and Bulger backer is often seen asa traitor by the community.

"Every other car has a Bulger sticker. Everyother house has a Bulger sign," says one residentof a nearby housing project.

"Billy's family," says Tom, a white-haired manwith glasses, spooning Boston Baked Beans into hismouth at Amrheins Restaurant on Broadway St.

Amrheins is known as a moderately-pricedgathering place for families and friends in thelocal area. With its dark wooden bar, bright brassrailings, and strong lighting, the place servesthose Southie residents who are doing well. Onesign near the bar reads "Parking for Irish Only:All others will be towed" in green lettering, andin the center of the mirror near the bar is agiant framed photo of the New Kids on the Block.

"I think Billy's going to win easy, for all theright reasons," says Tom, who works for thebricklayers union. "He's an effectiverepresentative for the constituents he represents.He has a sense of politics. He has the leadershipabilities. Sure, that's why he's been there solong."

Tom takes a moment to comment on politics,South Boston style. "Tip O'Neill said `allpolitics is local.' It's no more local than it ishere. It's pure neighborhood politics here."

Tom compares Bulger to another Bostonpolitician, former Mayor James Michael Curley--theman who served as the model for The LastHurrah. "They're both scholars," he says.Bulger himself has compared his style of politicsto Curley--a man who portrayed himself as a friendof the people vilified by elitists and the press.

ON THE OTHER SIDE of the SoutheastExpressway--on Newbury St.--people have a slightlydifferent view of Bulger and his benevolence.

"I despise Billy Bulger. He has done nothingfor his constituents. I'm gay, and he's one of ourworst enemies," says Michael Reney, 25, of theSouth End. Clad in khaki shorts, a white T-shirtand a black baseball cap, Reney says "he's gotsuch a major clamp over South Boston it's scary."