His Monroe Doctrine idea, for example, neatly sidesteps the divisive issue of military interventionism, making U.S. military involvement essentially contingent on Soviet good will.

His emphasis on "crisis prevention" leads him to argue that the Contadora group should play a greater role in Central America, that the U.N. Secretary-General should have mediated the Falklands crisis and that the Organization of African Unity should counter the Soviets in Angola.

Richardson has maintained his middle-of-the-road views throughout his professional career, friends say, allowing him to weather the ideological swells in the White House.

His image seems perfectly suited to this particular Senate race where he may be able to hold the middle ground against the more conservative Shamie and Kennedy-type liberals Rep. Edward J. Markey (D-Malden). Rep. James M. Shannon (D-Lawrence), and Lt. Gov. John F. Kerry.

"If anyone were looking at the question of what the positions of a Republican candidate would have to be to have a chance of winning, they would have to come up with a candidate pretty much like me, "Richardson says flatly.

But hardline Republicans--backed by a handful of small newspapers that ring the capital--accuse Richardson of opportunism (for waiting until Tsongas dropped out before announcing his own candidacy) and of selling the party up the river (for taking a moderate stance).

Critics also charge that Richardson, who has lived and worked in Washington D.C. for 15 years, would not adequately serve local interests. A recent editorial in the Worcester Telegram dryly suggested, "If Richardson can tear himself away from the Georgetown circuit for Massachusetts, let him pour his energies into rebuilding the Republican party here. Let him throw his support behind an announced Republican [Shamie] who has a realistic change now of election to the Senate."

Shamie himself has launched an attack on Richardson's recent statements on Central America. Richardson said two weeks ago that he might well have joined the rebellion against" the Salvadoran government before the rebels received Cuban and Soviet Backing.

Shamie charged that Richardson's contention that the U.S. caused the rebels to ally with the Communist bloc is "naive."

Richardson dismisses the latest slew of Shamie challenges as a "gimmick," and says he has no intention of altering his campaign to account for the flame-throwing Republican.

Yet, the almost patriarchal Richardson--who was a candidate for Harvard President in 1952--is still dogged by the charge that he would not take the job of senator seriously.

After all, Richardson had already reached the apogee of political influence when, as Attorney General during the Watergate scandal, he stood up to President Nixon and resigned rather than fire Special Prosecutor Archibald Cox.

Personal Impact

Richardson, after expounding on the merits of reasonable argument, says simply, "It's fair to say that I would be likely to have a larger impact as a senator that I have as a private citizen."

Richardson's biggest asset--his status as the quintessential insider--might be his biggest liability as well. Friends say Richardson never took pride in his role in the "Saturday Night Massacre," and he disappointed many who wanted to make a hero of him by refusing to condemn Nixon.