Pipes recalls that he agreed with Pusey, but acknowledges that campus sentiment overwhelmingly opposed the President. The fact that the Faculty motion contradicted the law seemed inconceivable to Pipes at the time. "The notion that colleges and universities are a law upto themselves is pernicious and extremely non-democratic," he says.

Students were licensed Shortly after Pusey's statement, a small boxed advertisement appeared on the front page of the Crimson. "There will be a meeting tonight to decide further strategy in the anti-ROTC campaign, including the possibility of militant action," the box read

That evening, after narrowly defeating a motion to occupy University Hall three times, about 300 students stormed Pusey's home University Police were stationed at the gate across from the Freshman Union and on the driveway of the President's house, but the students overcame them and continued up the drive

While some students painted anti-ROTC slogans on the driveway one member of the group nailed a list of the groups six demands on Pusey's door. Then the students circulated through the Yard, seeking support for their plan to occupy University Hall.

The next day, April 9, 1969, approximately 350 students occupied University hall, throwing out a number of University officials. President Pusey stationed himself at the steps of Widener Library and using a megaphone, warned the students that they would pay for their actions. Meanwhile, 150 police gathered by the fire station on Quincy Street.

What happened in the next hours is still a matter of some debate, what is clear is this: The occupying students went to sleep, while the Corporation met to decide how to respond. The demonstrators had been in University Hall since shortly afternoon. At 4.30 a.m.: 200 police stormed the building and arrested 174 of the students for criminal trespassing.

The case was debated in the Middlesex Third District Court--even through the Faculty voted to dismiss all criminal charges and discipline the students themselves. In court, the students argued that Glimp hadn't warned them of the bust, but all but four of the students were found guilty. They were given $20 fines.

The University formed a special committee to discipline the protestors, including students in the process. Those on trial boycotted the committee and refused to show up for their individual hearings. On June 10, 1969, two days before graduation, the special committee decided to dismiss three individuals and discipline 170 other students.

At the same time, the Faculty began moving on the issue of ROTC. It decided ROTC could no longer remain on campus as an extra-curricular activity. On May 30, the Corporation--acknowledging the sentiments of both Faculty and students--called for ROTC to be phased out over a two year period.

The Faculty called for an end to ROTC for "as soon as it is legally possible." They set as a deadline June 30, 1971, and also imposed regulations on ROTC for the next two years. ROTC would not have courses listed in the Harvard course catalogue book; students would no longer receive credit for ROTC courses: none of the ROTC staff could hold a professorship in the college; and only students already involved in ROTC could continue in the program. When members from the class of '71 graduated, the program was discontinued.

The most turbulent year in Harvard's history ended with the graduation of the class of '69--250 members of which walked out during Commencement, while some 50 others allegedly burned their diplomas.

But while members of the class of '69 occasionally return to Harvard, ROTC hasn't--at least not in its original form. After the turbulence subsided, the Faculty ruled out the possibility of a club for ROTC because it felt a club would be "just a fig leaf apparatus to cover the actual group," according to Wilcox.

Today's "Friends of ROTC," however, is likely to be less controversial, veterans of 1969 predict. Pipes, one of the Faculty sponsors of the group, feels that, simply on the grounds of freedom of speech, the club should exist. What's more, Pipes contends. "We need good officers, and Harvard, as part of an intellectual elite, and other schools like Harvard, should provide their share."