President Bok's open letters and recent collection of essays on the role of the university "create the impression that Harvard did indeed care about these important issues when in fact it didn't, "says Molyneux, adding that the new book attempts to take ad hoc decisions and justify them within a systematic framework. "Somehow every-time he thinks about a problem he comes to the conclusion that the status quo is right."

Molyneux points to Bok's intervention in the long-running drive for unionization at the Medical School, by signing letters to employees suggesting they refuse to join a union. "I think he has a corporate outlook. He opposed the unionization of his own employees at the med school..That's obviously not neutrality."

He recalls the 1979 protest against naming the Kennedy School Library after Charles W. Engelhard, an American businessman who made much of his fortune through mining interests in South Africa, succeeded just when students would have had to give up for reading period. "But, ultimately there are seven white men sitting on the Corporation and they're going to make the decision, and one students realize they've made the decision, they're not going to keep protesting--and there's no reason they should." He adds that the administration's policy is to oppose whatever student protesters suggest, on the grounds that they don't want to give in to student pressure. He concludes emphatically, "What emerges is a fairly conservative world view which is not neutral at all...He is playing a positively negative role," Molyneux says.

What kind of future does Guy Molyneux see for campus movements. He uses minority groups as example of the increased need for student unity. "The worst aspect of leftist politics on campus" is racial division. Molyneux says. "I don't share the feelings, but unfortunately people haven't sat down and realized white students are growing less susceptible to Black demands." Molyneux says Black students haven't made enough of an effort to break down perceptions of middle class Black students as just as privileged as their white counterparts at Harvard. "I would hope that in the next couple of years white student groups sat down with Blacks and offered to help" bridge that gap.

He hesitates to endorse the student government that recently won student and Faculty approval. "Student government could--potentially--be very important," Molyneux says. "I expect people with my political outlook will run and attempt to gain some seats." Molyneux will not leave the struggle when he finishes his thesis next fall and enters the job market. He plans to work for the same causes, perhaps in the labor movement with a stop at law school along the way. He may also try his hand at electoral politics. "I'm not a purist in the sense that someone has to be a socialist to get my support--there aren't a whole lot of those officials around...I would be willing to work for any candidate I consider to be solidly progressive," he adds, citing Rep. Barney Frank '61 (D-Mass.) and Sen. Edward M. Kennedy '54 (D-Mass.)

Schwartz, a close friend as well as Molyneux's thesis advisor, describes Guy as "on the left wing of the possible." He adds, "He's radical in his vision of what type of society he wants to achieve but he also wants to be effective, I think Guy has demonstrated to people that the strength of moral says commitment to political change leads to the strength of a long-distance runner."

And Molyneux's philon, why clearly applies off as well as on-campus: "You have to decide who has power and you have to bother them."