"Democratic control of productive decisions will be the main political issue of the 1980's," Commoner predicts, "And the two major parties won't even touch it."

Commoner expects the Citizens' Party to fill this gap in the political picture. By providing solutions to the problems caused by our corporate-dominated society, Commoner plans the party will attract a large constituency of those disadvantaged by that same society, seize political power, and restructure the economy.

Commoner is not predicting any political revolutions in 1980, but he does feel that the electoral situation this year is especially suited to a third-part effort. A delegate from Pennsylvania observed that "the scandalous no-choice between Carter and Reagan" cries out for an alternative. And Commoner is "the first American of stature to advance himself not as a saviour like Anderson but as the candidate of a party that will last regardless of the election outcome."

Commoner does emphasize that the Citizens' Party is not just another one-shot campaign a la Eugene McCarthy; its long goal is to become a majority party. Commoner uses phrases like "building a political force" and "establishing a presence in American politics."

But the party faces serious problems in its quest for legitimacy. One is a strategic question which caused a major rift at the convention--whether a presidential campaign is the most effective way of establishing a political party with the strong grass roots tendencies of the Citizen's Party.

Commoner, the leader of the presidential faction, maintained at the convention that a national campaign can be an invaluable asset to local organizing, by providing the party with a recognizable national symbol.

The opposing faction did not deny this, but questioned Commoner's commitment to local party-building. Lucius Walker of Pennsylvania, a major figure in the camp opposed to Commoner's views, said that Commoner would be an ideal national candidate. "He's very good on the corporate and macro issues, but not so good on grass roots organizing."

But in the end, the split in the party was smoothed over. The grass roots faction strongly endorsed Commoner's nomination, and Commoner apologized for campaigning against that faction's leaders. The question that remains is whether the split will surface again during the next few months.

The noticeable absence of organized labor groups at the convention suggests a potential hindrance to the party's growth. Despite Commoner's favorable attitude towards labor (he called for automobile plants owned and operated by the United Auto Workers (UAW) and work-owned steel plants at the convention), the Citizens' Party has not attracted much support from liberal labor organizations.

Delegates said labor's leanings toward Sen. Edward M. Kennedy (D-Mass.) has weakened Citizen's Party appeal to labor support, but are unable to explain this lack of support further.

Some delegates at the convention said that the party will have to convince labor of its legitimacy if it is to gain strength.

John Anderson's campaign as an independent is another issue which the Citizen's Party must confront if it is to succeed, for Anderson and Commoner appeal to many of the same kinds of voters. Commoner recognizes the odds; Anderson has an unquestionably wealthier and more organized campaign.

Commoner's strategy at the moment attempts to discredit Anderson in the eyes of liberal voters--he goes out of his way to point out Anderson's inconsistencies and the conservatism of his voting record.

"Anderson is only a pseudo-alternative. His supposedly liberal positions amount to a warmed-over republicanism," says Commoner, although he does grant Anderson credit for legitimizing the idea of an independent candidacy.

"Anderson claims he's running a campaign of ideas. Well, I think its very good for a candidate to have ideas, but more important for a candidate to have good ideas."