State House observers agree that Frank has a promising political future but his re-election prospects in 1978 are cloudy. Because the House membership has been reduced from 240 to 160, part of Noble's district has been combined with Frank's and the two friends will be pitted against each other in the next election. Noble is adamant about seeking re-election, and though Frank thinks he would win a race against her, he feels it would be an expensive waste of liberal money and efforts. And because Majority Leader Thomas P. O'Neill Jr. represents the Back Bay in Congress, it is unlikely Frank will attain his goal of becoming a congressman in the near future. He says he finds the city council an unattractive zoo, so he may temporarily leave politics in 1978 to practice law or teach. For now, however, everything is in a state of flux.
Most politicians "don't want to get into a pissing contest" and shy away from criticizing Frank on the record. When asked if City Hall had a negative reaction to Frank's opposition to the charter package, George K. Reagen, White's press secretary, said "We really had none." Most city Hall observers thought the White administration was livid. Alvin Levin, a member of the liberal activist group, Citizens for Participation in Political Action, which opposed Frank on several major issues including last year's regional primary bill, says, "I have a terrible memory" when asked to cite issues over which they have differed.
Buckley says he thinks that the time he spent at the Law School has reduced Frank's effectiveness as a representative. "It's not what you do when the House is in session, it's what you do after the session and committee hearings," he says. But Levin, O'Donnell, Buckley and Mitchell quickly balance any negative observations with favorable comments.
State House politicans from both branches and all ideological perspectives refused to criticize Frank for his relations with the legislative leadership. Levin agrees that Frank supports the leadership on many issues including party discipline but refused to criticize him for it because "I'm on the outside," not having to face the pressures Frank does.
More than anything else, Frank's career suggests the possibilities of getting along in state politics without compromising. A generalist, he maximizes his effectiveness over a wide range of issues by taking the most pragmatic line. Frank explains himself best: he will take "anything better that doesn't make things worse." This strategy may lack the glamor of idealism, but its effectiveness is proven.
Two issues of top concern to him are Dukakis's work-fare plan and reform of the state's civil service. Dukakis wants to require able-bodied adults on welfare to work for the state in return for their welfare check. A complicated issue fraught with unforeseen expenses and effects, Frank approves of it philosophically but feels the specific proposal is too harsh on parents with younger children and will result in few tangible benefits. The combination of rigid civil service regulations and collective bargaining for public employees has made it impossible to discipline and fire state employees, Frank says, leaving the bureaucracy with significant problems. Because of Dukakis's faith in the civil service system, Frank says he sees little possibility for reform at the state level.
With well-planned steps, Frank has traveled a significant amount of political ground in a short span of time. With his ability, the only limits his career seems likely to encounter are the limits to his ambition. Frank has done what the best and the brightest failed to do in the '60s: move from Harvard academics to nitty-gritty government, keeping personal and intellectual integrity intact. A State House veteran who works on McGee's staff said of Frank, "Barney understands the rules of the game and the rules of procedure. Barney will not lead the charge of the Light Brigade. There are some Kamikaze liberals who will. Barney is a good practical pol."