Supporters of White's plan often point to New York as a Democratic city that elects Republicans. But with a population larger than Massachusetts's it is far more diverse. Boston City Councilor Larry DiCara '71, who voted for White's package with "mixed feelings," said that 45 per cent of New England cities and 81 per cent of Middle Atlantic cities have bi-partisan elections. Boston's extreme racism, balkanized ethnic neighborhoods, and overwhelming Democratic tendencies place it in a different situation.

THESE POLITICAL MANIPULATIONS can be understood by examining Kevin White's public career. A liberal during the '60s, White is going through political menopause. His ambitions to be governor (he lost in 1970) and vice-president (he tried desperately to get the nomination from 1971 to 1976) have been crushed and he has redirected all of his energies toward creating a legacy, a machine. Boston has long been a city of factions and White envisions himself as the chieftain who will overcome and unite the warring tribes. Political loyalty is becoming increasingly important for those seeking city jobs or favors, from the elderly commission to the assessing office. With hundreds of city employees to be laid off this month due to fiscal troubles, the importance of loyalty increases. DiCara points out that White could never reach the heights that Chicago's late Richard Daley did because he does not have the seats in the state legislature--Chicago has 30 per cent of Illinois's population, Boston has 11 per cent of Massachusetts's. But by controlling the city as well as the dominant party organization, White could build an effective, lasting machine.

In the short-run, partisan elections would hinder Mattapan State Senator Joseph Timilty's mayoral ambitions. Timilty, who narrowly lost to White in the '75 general election, is still White's main antagonist. He probably would be unable to win a primary race against White because due to its smaller turn-out, a primary emphasizes political organization rather than general popularity.

White "obviously did a lot of heavy trading," Representative Frank, an executive assistant to White in the late '60s, has noted, and the city council approved the mayor's proposals with minor changes in a rush session between Christmas and January 1, when the move would receive the least attention from the voters. Now the alterations will be sent to the State House to get the legislature's and governor's approval.

White has good relations with the legislative leadership but trouble may arise. Along with Timilty, the school committee will fight the proposals and committee member David Finnegan's brother is a powerful House chairman. However, last December the State House rejected White's pleas for a financial bail-out (Boston's property taxes jumped by 25 per cent this year) and this has increased the pressure to accede to White's demands. It is expected that White will get the needed votes and the signature of Governor Michael Dukakis, who is usually amenable to home rule petitions.

THERE ARE RIBBONS of reform around White's Christmas package for Boston but they are as much concessions from a politician as they are improvements for the city. If he had truly wanted to reform Boston's character White should have forgotten about partisan elections and recommended district elections for the city council along with his school committee reforms. Atkins believes districts will lead to "fanatical parochialism," but Representative Frank points to the cooperation and comparatively higher quality of leadership present in Boston's State House delegation which is elected by districts.

Mayor White is frustrated because he will never reach a higher office and frightened that he may follow John Lindsay's path of failure and anonymity. So he is shamelessly tampering with Boston's political structure. In the corrupt world of Boston politics it is mandatory that one makes deals and protects one's own interests in order to be successful. But White has abandoned any pretense of integrity, immersing himself in an unjustifiable mire of compromise and self-interest.

Atkins adeptly summed up the situation when he said, "Any proposal may be an improvement, but that is not the criteria to judge by. He is giving us what is next to worst, not what could be best."