Q: Will Teddy Kennedy support you in the Massachusetts primary?
McG: No, not necessarily. He merely advised me to enter. I asked him whether I should, he said, yes. I asked him whether I would bump into him there. He said, no chance.
At the press conference McGovern vehemently announced he would never throw his support to any other candidate before the convention: "I will stay through to the Miami Beach Convention. I am not going to yield. They have to beat me."
McGovern's relaxed low-keyed image--which made him seem almost tired and bored at Saturday's press conference--seems to be a major problem in generating an enthusiastic campaign. So far the campaign organization has emphasized his stand on issues rather than his personality to provoke support.
Despite his bland political image, McGovern is far from lackluster in the programs he has proposed and the issues he has supported. His campaign theme translates his idealistic, humanitarian philosophies into specific, bold, but often contradictory, programs. His speeches urge a reconciliation of foreign and domestic politics, a return of our leaders to the ideals for which the country is supposed to stand, and a massive revision of the national tax structure to distribute wealth more evenly. Although he attempts to present political programs which are at the same time idealistic and practical, his political stands contain an inconsistency which is perhaps inherent in any such attempt.
In the area of foreign policy McGovern demands an end to America's police actions around the world: "It's time we asked, 'Is it true these people (North Vietnamese) are better dead than red? And who gave us the authority to play God for other people?'" He has demanded an end to military aid to military dictatorships as in Greece, Pakistan and Vietnam; he has called for an end to our military arrangements around the world: and as the co-author of the McGovern-Hatfield Act, he tried to set a December 31, 1971 deadline on withdrawal of U.S. troops from Vietnam.
His position in the Middle East, however, is surprisingly inconsistent with his non-interventionist beliefs. Expounding on his pro-Israel views in the interview McGovern said, "Israel is not a military dictatorship--it is not oppressing people. We have a special commitment to Israel in that we helped bring it into being. If she is unable to defend herself, we should give her aid."
His more radical pro-Israel proposals include continued administration of Jerusalem by Israel, Yiddish language broadcasts of the Voice of America to the three million Jews now living in the Soviet Union, and a firm commitment by the United States to the survival and security of Israel.
McGovern's attitude towards the U.N. is also inconsistent. Pessimistic about the effectiveness of the U.N. as a peace-keeper he says, about the Middle East dilemma, "I think we can safely rule out U.N. assistance in peace keeping. It is difficult for the U.N. to function when the Arab votes can lock its action."
On the two China issue, however, McGovern's faith in the U.N. is absolute. He gives full support to the recent decision to oust Taiwan in favor of Peking: "I am for it. I think the U.N. acted wisely. Both governments agree that there is only one legitimate government. It is simply a matter of deciding which is the true government of China. I think the U.N. chose correctly."
Strangely enough, his agreement with the U.N. action does not go so far as to dismiss Taiwan completely. Hedging the issue of American policy toward the future of Taiwan, he said: "I think that question can be solved by those two governments alone but I am confident that it will be peaceably resolved."
Despite his nebulous and often contradictory position on foreign policy, in his hard hitting domestic program, he successfully reconciles McGovern the idealist and McGovern, the pragmatist. Campaigning under the lincoln green banner of Robin Hood, he proposes a tax system to "take from the rich and give to the poor" and does everything but call President Nixon the Sheriff of Nottingham. His program includes excess profits tax, an end to oil depletion allowances, a realistic minimum income tax, an increased tax on millionaires, and better consumer protection.
When McGovern does something, he does it in a big way. Rather than just supporting Women's Liberation, he has committed himself to placing a woman in the first spot available on the Supreme Court. He does not stop at merely opposing the war in Vietnam but goes on to propose "a general amnesty for all those who have stood up against it." And if he can not have his all-volunteer army, he demands a more democratic system of draft exemptions.
McGovern may not look like the most exciting Presidential possibility but the impression can be misleading.
His stand on issues has been consistently bold, if occassionally contradictory, and the idealism of his Robin Hood program does not blind him to the reality of human greed.
Behind McGovern's mild, suntanned face lies a pointed yet subtle humor. As the chevy station wagon creeps through bridge traffice across the Charles, he quips about his Forum Speech:
I noticed that inheritance tax didn't go over too well with this crowd (laughter). You can tell what kind of audience that was. But anyway, the young lawyers sure loved the thought of all those pollution suits coming along