One can be against the war because the situation at home is getting out of control. This leaves open the question of whether you want to bring the troops home and put the money saved into improving black housing, or whether you want to bring them back and put down black rebellions. Those who want to end the war to reestablish the credibility of the federal government have little in common with those who want to overthrow that government.
One of the key ways to separate these two groups is by their views on racism. Those who are against the war, but refuse to take a stand on racism are looked on suspiciously by those committed to broad social change.
Another distinction which emerged very clearly at the conference, was that the group running the conference wanted to get the support of union leaders in the anti-war movement, while the opponents of this group regard many union leaders as part of the establishment, willing to sell out their rank and file members. They point to wildcat strikes and the upcoming miners' strike to show that to get a meaningful strike, workers often have to go against their union leaders.
For one group of people, ending the war is their major concern. For another, the war is just a manifestation of the sickness of the whole system. It is part of a society which they view as racist, imperialist and male chauvinist. They feel that after the war is over, only the beginning will have been made in making this society what it should be.
Another of the lines along which this division is drawn is that of violence. The more moderate group feels that violence will only alienate the rest of society, and is basically useless. The other group is suspicious of those who draw the line at violence, feeling what they may really be objecting to is the possibility of rebellion.
THESE DIVISIONS emerged at a conference workshop of high school students. One group argued not only that the war should be fought against, but that racism should be attacked. The other group of high school students said that one should concentrate on the war. Since the war was racist, they reasoned, then by fighting against the war, you were also fighting racism. This same group felt the movement should allow liberals to talk at rallies, and support a "contest of ideas." On the other hand, a high school student whose baggy blue jeans sported a battered copy of the writings of Mao Tse-Tung, described how he had been kicked out of school for leafletting against the liberal Father Drinan. He was trying to show his young colleagues that liberals might not be all they thought them to be.
In the plenary session Saturday afternoon, there was a lengthy dis-
cussion of whether there should be a demonstration against the Vice-President at the Sheraton-Cleveland. The SDS-PL group put forward the idea that there should not only be a demonstration against Agnew, but also one against Mayor Carl Stokes. They claimed that Stokes was against the workers, even though he was black. They referred to the calling out of the National Guard to break the postal workers' strike. The planners of the conference wanted instead only to have a peaceful and orderly demonstration in front of the Sheraton against Agnew.
In the course of the heated discussion. Peter Camejo of the Socialist Workers Party gave a speech which managed to inflame the passions of the members of PL. Starting off slowly and with control, he would gradually increase the speed and fervor of his remarks until he reached a shrill, unintelligible climax which would be drowned out in the applause of the moderate group, and the angry cries of the PL members. He said PL did not want to align with any sell outs, and then accused PL of feeling that everyone was a sellout except themselves.
Another speaker got up and said. "The workers of this country are gonna fight against the likes of Stokes . . . The people are tired, they are damned tired of these liberal sellouts." He received a standing ovation after that and then added, "Liberals and conservatives are two sides of the same coin."
Later, a Veteran for Peace said he wanted to urge people not to attend a demonstration where people might get hurt, namely the planned SDS demonstration against Mayor Stokes. Another person then rose to say he wanted to stay in the auditorium and discuss the future of the antiwar movement, which was supposedly the purpose of the conference. "I did not come 2000 miles to go to another demonstration," he said. Harry Ring, the editor of the Militant, then got up and said he opposed a demonstration against Mayor Stokes. He said the black people of Cleveland were under an illusion, and their "level of consciousness" was such that they would not march agonist Mayor Stokes.
Several times during the debate, disillusioned participants who evidently had not expected such invective among the factions, got up and said how disappointed they were. One man said, "If I were to choose a group with which to align myself after seeing what went on here. I would choose to join the janitors in the wings."
The motion to demonstrate against Agnew or Agnew-and-Stokes was then put to a vote, and the moderate proposal won. This part of the meeting had been chaired by Dan Gurewitz, national coordinator of SMC.
The rest of the afternoon was taken up with discussion of what the future tactics of the antiwar movement should be. The meeting broke up in time for the demonstration against Agnew.
At 7: 30 there was a rally in front of the Sheraton-Cleveland, and members of the SMC-YSA group, as well as a GI and a labor union leader, addressed the crowd. After awhile, a group broke off from the main demonstration of about 2000 people, and marched over to the city hall. About 300 people took part in this, the demonstration that SDS had been planning. The crowd gathered on the front steps of the city hall- which was closed- and listened to several speeches. About a dozen police cars filled with helmeted policemen lined the streets near the city hall. Prominent in the front seat of each car was the muzzle of a tear gas rifle. The situation was tense, but the rally went off without incident. Across the street was a large green truck. On its roof long cameras with microphones slowly and silently turned around, recording the rally and the people standing around it.
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