Capron said, "If this had happened while I was in the budget department, I would have been appalled."

Kistiakowsky said, "We ran into Javits in the cafeteria. He said he felt the same as we do about the need now for Senate action."

Seymour Martin Lipset said. "There is a credibility gap. The President's position is unredeemable. We're not just reporting the situation on campus. It's much, much more."

Bloch added, "It's an issue of morale and morality in the country."

After ten minutes, Brooke regained the floor. "You're well aware." he said, "that I share your grave concern and frustration. I know your experience in the executive. Many of us in the Senate have been meeting regularly to try to reverse the President's policy. I was frankly shocked. I could scarcely believe my ears. Why, Nixon had disarmed the students. They'd packed up here just last week and gone home." He was referring to the closing of the New Mobe office. This was the first of many times that day the professors would be treated as representatives of a discontented academic community, though this was exactly what they didn't want.

Brooke said he had gone to the White House with the rest of the joint armed services committee and had spoken to the President, who had insisted that the invasion had been called to protect U.S. forces. "I can't believe that," Brooke told the professors. "I don't like to say the President is not telling the truth, but it does seem as if the reason he did it was because he has the support of the present Cambodian government."

Schelling said, "Then he even lied to members of the armed services committee."

Brooke quickly interjected, "I do not question the President's integrity. I believe the military sold him a bill of goods." They asked him how he would vote on the upcoming legislation to limit the President's power to wage war in Southeast Asia. He said he believed the Church-Cooper bill that would cut off expenditures for any military activity in Cambodia would surely pass, and that he supported it. Likewise, he said, he might be favorable to repeal of the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution. "However," he said, "the one move I'm most reluctant to take is the one the students mostly want-the McGovern-Hatfield Amendment [which would bar appropriations for any military operations in Southeast Asia except withdrawal of troops]. I share your concern about the constitutionality of that method of pressuring the President. Why, the students want you to just get out-to pick up and leave Southeast Asia!" He reached for a globe to demonstrate. The professors grimaced.

"I have not yet reached a decision on what to do," Brooke said. "Coupled with my idealism is a bitter pragmatism, gentlemen. I know I can't feed this to the students, though. What would you suggest?"

Neustadt suggested. "For the first time I can remember, we have what Reston has always been heralding-a constitutional crisis."

Schelling said, "What Nixon took is a risky bet. And even if he wins, he would be winning on a bad bet so it doesn't make any difference. I have no confidence that this is the worst thing he'll try to do."

Bloch said, "We have a long, hot summer ahead of us."

"Thank you gentlemen." Brooke said. "One last question: Are you Harvard people going to have commencement this year?"

KENNEDY'S office was about twice as big as Brooke's, and twice as crowded. On the bookshelf in the waiting room, the Harvard University Catalogue stood next to the Selected Writings of Bolivar. Bator, Walzer, Yarmolinsky and Holton reappeared after an hour with the Mendelsohn group. Kennedy greeted them without the aid of a suit coat or an administrative assistant, and led them into his office. He apologized for being late, saying he had been lining up Coretta King and Judy Collins-"she's the new Joan Baez, you know"-for a Kent State memorial service that night. This time, Neustadt started off.

"We want to tell you where we are: Cambodia was worse than the worst decisions of Lyndon Johnson."