In general, they are anti-expansionist. Some believe that every inch of captured territory must be returned. Others hedge on the issue of Jerusalem and, in addition, would like "secure" boundaries, especially around the Golan Heights. But all object to the new settlements now being established in occupied territory and oppose further annexation of Arab land.

The second political characteristic of these dissenters deals with the Palestinians. Official government policy dictates that Israel will deal only with the Arab states, and claims that the Palestinians are adequately represented by the governments of these Arab countries in which they now live.

The Palestinians do not agree, and are increasingly developing their own identity and their own institutions more or less independent of the Arab states. (The commando organizations are only part of this trend. and also one of the driving forces behind it.)

The Palestinians' demands are qualitatively different from those of the Arab states. No matter how one interprets the conflict in the Middle East, it is clear that the Arab governments have more on their minds than merely returning the land of Palestine to its "rightful" owners, or even removing the "imperialists" from their area. For the Arab-Israeli war is very important in Arab politics, and all the states use the current situation to further their own interests.

The Palestinian aspect of the conflict is somewhat simpler and seemingly purer. First, the Palestinians want a state of their own of which Israel and the Arab states have "deprived" them. Second, they want their state in their "homeland." most of which is now part of Israel. Many of the Palestinian leaders express a desire for a "de-Zionized" Palestinian state of both Palestinians and Jews, although for the vast major?? of Israelis and world Jewry, who are in favor of a Jewish state, this is just as deadly a solution as "throwing the Jews into the sea."

Pressures arising mainly from increasing world attention to the Palestinian cause has forced the Israeli government to justify its position. Moshe Kol, Minister of Tourism and member of the Cabinet, spoke to our group of American student journalists and was forced to deal with the question:

"There are two Palestinian states now. One is in Jordan, one is in Israel. One is Arab one Jewish. We are ready to negotiate with Jordan. We have placed no conditions on who will negotiate for Jordan. Many of the Jordanian population are Palestinian. If they would change the government. Jordan would become a Palestinian state. We would be willing to give up part of the West Bank to this Palestinian state for the sake of peace. Why do we have to negotiate with a third force? There is no room for a third Palestinian state."

And even Kol's half-hearted, defensive acknowldgment of Palestinian existence misrepresents the emphasis of official Israeli policy: "We will negotiate with the Arab states. anywhere, anytime," government leaders say, but "the government is not willing to negotiate with the Palestinians."

The dissenters' attitudes towards the Palestinians are diverse, and they disagree violently among themselves. The lowest common denominator is that their typical Israeli irrational (and moving) belief in the ultimate reign of peace in their nation is somehow tied to the Palestinians. but beyond this similarity (which is still a sign??? one), anything goes.

Vary few of the students and "New L???ks" I spoke with put forth the ??? of a binational state, a solution now so popular among some New Left American Jews (such as N??m Chomsky) and many Arabs. Most of these Israelis still feel the ??d for a Jewish state, although they would all like to see the religious elements lose their political influence.

But all of them feel very strongly that the Palestinians should have a state and that it would be to Israel's benefit-both politically and morally-to help establish it.

They realize the difficulties of this "solution." First, they know that such a state would be opposed by Arab governments, since it would be located in all or part of pre-June 67 Jordan: this is one of the many points of conflict.

Also they realize that the Palestinians may never accept this plan. since the Palestinian elements now must vocal are calling vehemently for a state in the area which is now Israel.

But they believe that a compromise could be worked out. Everyone argues this differently, but most of those I talked to thought that. among other things, the Palestinians would eventually realize that today's Israel is no longer their "homeland" of 20 years ago, and both in fact and in spirit the Palestinians "homes" are no longer theirs.

The dissenters emphasize the difficulty of finding a Palestinian leadership to deal with. Few of them recognize Al Patah (the largest Palestinian command?organization) as the legitimate political representative of the majority of Palestinians. Some would like to see the Israelis give the West Bank Palestinians enough freedom to establish some unified political structure, but they know that if the army gave more leeway, the terrorists would take advantage of it and the Israelis would have to clamp down even harder.