As president of the HUC, Kaplan had moved into one of the most obscure public positions at Harvard. At the beginning of the year, Dean Glimp told one of the HUC members, "I ht ink you boys ought to make a new student center your big project this year."

The first time Kaplan met President dent Pusey last fall, Pusey began the 15-minute interview saying, 'So you're the new student council president." Kaplan had led HUC for eight months at the time.

In the Spring of 1968, the HUC had requested student seating on the Committee of Houses and the Committee on Educational Policy (CEP), the Faculty sub-committee which shapes educational policy. HUC's conservative proposals for a minority position on these committees were flatly rejected, but an indication of the shift in its status this year can be seen in the fact that these are now the conservative position in the debate of the Fainsod Committee on Faculty restructuring.

The total rejection of the seating proposal in the Spring brought more publicity to the Undergraduate Council, and more important, gave members of the HUC a much better indication of where they stood on the Harvard ladder--at the bottom.

When the academic year 1968-69 began in September, both Kaplan and the radical members of HUC who often drew his Kennedy liberalism to the left realized that the Council lacked legitimacy to do anything; working on that assumption, they decided to do everything.

At the second meeting of the year on October 1, the ROTC issue came before the Council three weeks before SFAC took up the issue and five weeks before SDS started its abolish ROTC campaigning.

"I really think we initiated the ROTC discussion." Kaplan said. "We said that we feel is an area that should be discussed in the University and we discussed it."

The extended debates in the HUC over the wording of ROTC resolution brought HUC its first continuously heavy publicity outside of the parietals area in the CRIMSON. Using a fact sheet developed by HUC, the Student Faculty Advisory Committee also worked out its resolution which finally passed at the Faculty meeting in February.

By the middle of November, ROTC had become Harvard's political issue of the year--though some administrators and Faculty members did not discover the fact until early April. The SDS campaign to abolish ROTC, the YPSL petition, the HUC and SFAC resolutions, the HRPC audit which asked for the end of academic credit, and the CEP modification of the SFAC resolution spread over a political spectrum by which most students measured themselves.

Paralleling the definition of a political spectrum, however, was a more subtle definition of student government. The position calling for reducing ROTC to the status of an extracurricular committee picked up the label "SFAC-HUC-HRPC resolution"--an alphabetical hodge-podge that indicated student solidarity gainst the present status of ROTC at Harvard.

In the technical problems of differentiating between the CEP and the joint SFAC-HUC-HRPC positions, Kaplan and Glazier got together to write the first of three joint student government statements the week of the Paine Hall Faculty meeting to debate ROTC.

After the CEP rewrote the SFAC resolution trying to make it more acceptable to conservative Faculty members, "I realized it wasn't any good and Kaplan simultaneously said that he didn't like it," Glazier said. They wrote the first statement together and called Ken Kaufman (chairman of HRPC, the third major student government organization) to get him to sign it." Glazier said.

At a press conference called before the Paine Hall meeting by Dean Ford, Kaplan and Glazier walked in and read off their statement before a surprised Ford who had talked with Glazier only once before for 15 minutes while signing papers in his office.

Before the Paine Hall sit-in and the subsequent probation for 125 students, Kaplan and Glazier had known one another only through a loose friendship in the Crimson Key. Through Paine Hall and the winter, the increased political activity drew the two politically together. Although they had never cooperated as chairmen of the HUC and SFAC, their areas of concern began to overlap and more.

Glazier, straight - guy - but- not - a - spokesman, has only a vague notion of who the administrators are that he is dealing with. In talking about one of the SFAC resolutions early in the Fall he said "I sent the thing over to Bennick-Smith--or someone over there--I don't even know Bennick-Smith, and they issued some statement clearing it up." Even so, Glazier was the most visible spokesman.