Because of this separation, the values taught in school are often not the values of the student's community. Negro demands for teaching more Negro history--and in some cases their demands that their children be called by their black muslim names--reveal the seriousness of the rift in today's ghettoes.

Isolating education from the community is also inefficient. Vocational schools can never replace their machinery as fast as it becomes outdated, but local trades can offer the most advanced machinery for student training. All that is needed is co-operation between community business and local education.

Reformers believe that decentralization, by including communities in policy-making, can force a new bond between the communities and schools. But in their efforts to restructure school systems, they are grappling with all the problems of the postwar ghettoes, and they are fast finding that there are no simple answers.

The major difficulty is how to turn community participation into good education. One proposal advocates electing local school boards and then giving them wide powers over policy-making and personnel hiring in their districts. Another proposal would allow a community committee to select each school principal, while extending his authority. A third would elect district superintendents.

The success of all three schemes hinges on the ghetto dweller's constructive use of his educational franchise. But among all urban groups, the ghetto-dweller is least prepared to contribute responsibly and thoughtfully to the education of his children. Absence of local leadership, many fear, will give the initiative to organized extremist groups. Community participation will be unrepresentative and irresponsible, with elections offering boundless opportunities for corruption. Some reformers have concluded that school restructuring will be meaningless unless accompanied by extensive urban renewal and adult education--in other words, a broad assault on all the problems of the ghetto.

There are other difficulties. Some decentralization plans give extensive powers to school officials who have have very little before; and there is no insurance that they will be able to handle the new responsibilities. According to one estimate, twelve per cent of New York City's principals are former physical education instructors. Sizer maintains that giving the principal's office new authority will attract better men to the job. But this remains to be seen.

In any case, one points is certain: no one will know which ideas work until they have been tried. Urban schools must start experimenting. But even here there are snags. Education is one of the most touchy subjects in American politics and few city officials are willing to risk failure. "When you do research with children," shudders one school official, "all hell breaks loose."

Though aware of these difficulties, most reformers, especially on the campuses, are showing new enthusiasm and new optimism. They feel that ghetto activism and public awareness have at least opened the ears of bureaucrats to new ideas. The atmosphere, they are convinced, is finally ripe for revolution. As for the problems--"If I had all the answers," says Hill, looking up from a map of school districting in St. Paul, Minn., "I'd be bored.