Next came further negotiations on the East African Economic Treaty. It was welcomed by the business communities who promised to stick to it; members were assured that, incredibly, most non-Africans in fact wel- comed its Africanization policy and its emphasis in self-management. The governments involved promised to help avoid the East African nemisis--red tape--in its implementation.
At the same time, Zambia, not part of the agreement, urged members to consider its application. President Kuanda told delegates in Mwanza: "Zambia is knocking at your door. We hope that you will keep this door wide open. I can say that only the pressure of extra work caused by our fight against racialists all around Zambia has made it impossible for us to indicate publicly that Zambia is keen to join hands in at least one or two sections of the Treaty, although, as I have already said, she is very keen to become a full member."
There was a time when the only practical cooperation between East African countries went no further than a common mail and railway service. Zambia's eagerness to join the treaty could only be a prestigious vote for the newly revived unity efforts. Coming so close on the heels of the Conference it could not help but be associated with the movement sparked by the Kinshasa meeting.
Most interesting, though, is Kuanda's reference to "racists all around us." One of the vital decisions made by the Conference was to grant two million dollars out of a three million OAU budget to the waging of guerrilla warfare by freedom movements.
Until now, despite limited success, the freedom fighters had been regarded by racist governments as paper tigers well within the bounds of containment by their security froces. Just as no one paid much attention to the OAU proclamations on other matters, no one considered the beefing up of guerrilla warfare as much of a threat--yet. But it appears that their scorn was slightly premature. In fact Malawi, not one of the racist target states but an Independent black nation, appears to have been one of the first goals of an increasingly organized movement; the success of other OAU pronouncements bodes ill for Malawi's future with freedom fighters.
Malawi Encounters the Paper Tiger
In the meantime, what has happened to the small band of rebels who set out to assassinate President Banda of Malawi? The following item appeared on the front page of the Daily Nation of October 15, published in Nairobi. The article read: "Rebel Arms seized in Malawi raids." "The President's Office in Blantyre said today that security forces have captured a rocket launcher and other arms from terrorists in South-Western Malawi in the past six days. The arms were mostly of Communist Chinese, Russian or Czechoslovak manufacture, the President's Office said. . . ."
". . . There has been an all-out security drive in the past week against a band of rebels said to have slipped into Malawi to assassinate President Hastings Kamuzu Banda. . . ."
". . . Two have been killed--including the alleged leader, former Home minister Yatute Chisiza--and 12 captured so far. The President's Office said that the haul of arms included two machine guns, two submachine guns, ten hand-grenades, three automatic rifles, nine pistols and over 3,000 rounds of ammunition."
Most likely the rebels entered Malawi through Zambia, as President Banda charged. At first the invasion was said to number forty, then the figure was reduced to twenty-six. Led by Chisiza they reached the forests of Neno, forty miles Northwest of Blantyre city, and there they split up into two groups. One group made for Blantyre with its alleged assassina-