The dedication with which McCarthy--a Roman Catholic--attacked the war may have been the most impressive aspect of his stay in Boston. The same people who spoke of him as a "cream-puff" before his arrival, are now talking about the depth of his conviction.

"We may have been hasty in our original assessment," one supporter said. "He's touching all the bases now, seeing how his candidacy will effect others. But he's not fronting for anyone. The Kennedy's will be taken into account, but they won't call the shots. I'm convinced that if Teddy stands in for Johnson in the Massachusetts primary, McCarthy will oppose him."

A long-time friend of the McCarthy family said the senator "has been frustrated for too long. He's a serious man and he's serious about this. He's not out for any educational candidacy."

The only meaningful justification for McCarthy's campaign is the longshot chance that he can deny Johnson the nomination. Other possibilities have been mentioned. A successful primary bid might make the Party's war platform more dovish. But President Johnson has ignored the platform before; he can certainly do so again. A large vote for McCarthy might influence Republicans to nominate a dove. But Republican nominating conventions have shown no great disposition for bringing political realities into their decisions in the past. There is no reason to think they will now.

Despite his talk about other senators entering primaries in their states, McCarthy knows no one else is going to launch this challenge. "In a way he relishes the opportunity," one friend said. "He thinks he owes it to himself--which is pretty damn important--and although it sounds corny, he owes it to his party and his country too."

The biggest obstacle remaining in McCarthy's campaign trail is his lack of organization. He acknowledges the need for money and an energetic staff, but offers no specifics.

McCarthy will enter the primaries in Massachusetts, Wisconsin and California. New Hampshire has not been ruled out, but the senator seems to be leaning toward the advice of those who argue against it. Unless Wayne Morse makes a move in Oregon, McCarthy will have no choice there. All candidates are entered there unless they sign a disclaimer.

The Boston weekend amply demonstrated the senator's determination. It remains to be seen whether he can put together a professional organization which will aggressively push his candidacy. It is, as Galbraith observes, a long chance. McCarthy now says privately he is going to try to go all the way. Given the right campaign, he could literally win. --PARKER DONHAM

But Sturges is an inconsistent imitator. He can't stand cutting time instead of drawing it out to fullness. He can't stand the beautiful, lingering-moment Western and occasionally reverts to antique ways. In the courtroom scene, for example, he dissolves from one witness to the next--stages a few artificial flare-ups between leaders and followers. And to pick up the pace still more, he produces some split-second moral dilemmas for W. Earp. Sturges should have been loyal either to Sergio Leone or to the TV economy of Gunsmoke. As it is, we get a mishmash of temper tantrums and long trail rides--and in the bargain, no hero.

I did laugh once. The prosecutor asks Ryan what position one of his thugs holds. Ryan answers, He's my scientific cattle breeder. Why does he wear a gun for his work? the prosecutor demands. Robards pipes up: "Maybe he has to force the cattle!" One yuk for 110 minutes of squirming.