While Rolvaag's campaign flourished financially, Keith's never got off the ground. The whole D.F.L. endorsed slate bemoaned its lack of funds. Keith even had to cancel a television appearance the week before the election when the dollars ran out. The rats with money may have left Kenth's ship simply because it was sinking. More likely, they deserted him because of his connection with what Minnesotans -- particularly Republicans -- loosely call "the insurance scandal."

The "insurance scandal" has been a political football in the state for more than a year and a half. What actually happened remains obscure even now. It began in early 1965 when rumors circulated through Minnesota insurance offices that the American Allied Insurance Co., a St. Paul firm which insured high-risk drivers was financially unstable and that three Chicago brothers were diverting most of the premiums into their own pockets.

Rolvaag's administration did nothing but deny rumors until June when they took the insolvent firm to court and ordered them to cease doing business. At first it seemed that the Democrats were going to use the case simply to show off the investigative powers of an obscure attorney general--Robert Mattson--who would be up for reelection in 1966. But in late October a federal grand jury charged 17 involved in the case, including Rolvaag's state insurance commissioner, with fraud. Republicans wanted to know why Rolvaag hadn't acted earlier, and the case was swept under the carpet where it will officially remain until the post-election trial of the accused.

Insurance and Keith

While the American Allied case became a general embarrassment to all Minnesota Democrats, it was always agony for Sandy Keith. From April, 1964 to February, 1965, Keith had been employed --at $500 per month -- as general counsel and vice-president of U.S. Mutual, a subsidiary of American Allied. Even his friends admit he was guilty of incredible naivete and poor judgment in accepting the job. Republicans made it clear that the American Allied case would be their big issue this fall and Keith's vulnerability helped scare away D.F.L. financial support for the primary battle.

Why with Keith so vulnerable did the Democrats refuse to endorse Rolvaag in June? The roots of their decision to dump the Governor go back to the early '60's -- the golden days of Minnesota politics.

Minnesotans tend to be a proud, even chauvinistic group. They glory in their lakes, their baseball team, their culture (Minneapolis' Gutherie Theater), and their "heartland of America" state character. Minnesota politics, particularly with Hubert Humphrey's vigorous D.F.L., always seemed a bit more exciting and nationally important than anyone else's.

In A Thousand Days Arthur Schlesinger called the Minnesota delegation the key to Kennedy's victory in the 1960 National Democratic convention. The D.F.L.'s national power was graphically shown as the governor, Orville Freeman, now Secretary of Agriculture, nominated Kennedy, Senator Eugene McCarthy nominated Stevenson, and Humphrey remained a candidate himself.

By 1962 the once-mighty Democrats were in trouble at home. For the first time since 1954 they did not control the governorship (a tremendously powerful position in Minnesota where the legislature is elected without party designation). Furthermore, they had little chance of defeating powerful incumbent Elmer L. Anderson.

The most rampant Republican rumors allege that the Democrats calculated they had no chance and preferred to sacrifice Rolvaag rather than a promising young man like State Attorney General Walter Mondale (now U.S. Senator). It's more likely that Rolvaag, lieutenant governor for the last eight years, seemed the strongest candiate despite his inability to stir up anyone's enthusiasm.

Rolvaag didn't really win the 1962 election; Anderson lost it with a campaign that even he privately admitted was remarkably inept. Anderson had won in 1960 largely because of the votes he picked up in the traditionally Democratic iron ranges in the state's far north. In 1962 Anderson foolishly attacked a northern Minnesota DFL congressman -- John Blatnik -- so sacrosanct that he is running this year without opposition.

The Democrats sent up as a trial balloon, a charge that Anderson had ordered concrete to be poured in freezing weather. This reportedly resulted in substandard construction of a stretch of Highway 35, which he wanted finished before election time. The governor's loud and righteous denials turned the accusation into the campaign's biggest issue and led to his defeat.

As it was Rolvaag won by 91 votes out of more than 1,200,000 cast -- and that was after a four-month recount. The victory soured as soon as Minnesotans became convinced that the Democratic charges about Highway 35 were fabricated. Rolvaag's showing in public opinion polls was abysmal -- often fewer than 40 per cent indicated approval.

Rolvaag's record as governor has been good and getting better. At first his skirmishes with holdover Anderson appointees who refused to resign made him seem ineffectual. But in 1964 and 1965 he accumulated a strong list of legislative achievements including better mental illness programs, a fair-employment act, and a system of state junior colleges. Rolvaag has delighted Democrats and infuriated conservatives with his rigid opposition to a state sales tax and flashed impressive. executive power this spring by vetoing a legislative redistricting bill and getting a new version which he signed within two weeks.

But he struck out as a party man. He appointed his own associated to key positions instead of party stalwarts. Always remote to the DFL hierarchy, Rolvaag particularly annoyed the regulars by refusing to stump for legislative candidates in 1964.