The present health of the Fifth Republic does not guarantee it long life; it depends too heavily on the General's personal prestige, something which he cannot will to his successor. Viansson-Ponte frankly feels that the government will resume its cycle of frequent crises and cabinet shifts when De Gaulle steps down. "Because the regime rests upon one man, it can only be transitory."
De Gaulle's vanity and the reverence he inspires in his subordinates arise from a common perception: The General is an extraordinary man, and an extraordinarily able President. Almost single-handedly he has kept France among the great powers. His political acumen, his sureness of direction, and the legend of his leadership in World War II are the cords that bind the restless elements of the Fifth Republic into a coordinated, going enterprise. Gaullists would claim that a realistic essay of his value to France more than justifies his self-righteousness. Like the late Frank Lloyd Wright, De Gaulle sees no point in concealing his natural conceit.
Pomp and Utility
Pomposity is, moreover, a functional part of De Gaulle's administrative style. It saves time and ensures efficiency by awing underlings into ready obedience and by coercing consultants into full cooperation. His aloofness also serves as a defensive device. Like any high public figure De Gaulle must insulate himself with stock responses and mechanical mannerisms. Heads of states cannot possibly attend to each interview and each conference with bright originality. They
are simply too busy. De Gaulle's pomposity forms a protective cocoon which suits his tastes just as the folksy "flesh-pressing" role comes naturally to Lyndon Johnson.
The Palace Guard
The second half of The King and His Court consists of a biographical directory of leading Gaullists, annotated with symbols a la Guide Michelin. A camel, for example, signifies a Gaullist who stuck by the General during the desert years from 1953 to 1958, when he completely withdrew from politics. A machine gun insignia marks those who fought in the Resistance. Any kind of affiliation with De Gaulle, past or present, qualifies a man for the Directory. Thus Raymond Aron, now an opponent of De Gaulle, is listed along with heir-apparent Michele Debre and obscure hatchetmen like Jean-Baptiste Biaggi. "Minister of the word" Andre Malraux ("an elderly uncle whose whims are tolerated with amused indulgence") appears along with plotters, soldiers, relatives and arch-traitor Jacques Soustelle.
The menageric of personalities in the Directory refflects both Viansson-Ponte's sense of humor and the nebulous character of Gaullism itself. Viansson-Ponte deliberately avoids set definitions. To be a Gaullist one must be loyal to the General or to a cause which coincides with the General's ambitions. The hard-core cadres of Gaullism belong to the elite Union pour la Nouvelle Republique (U.N.R.). Millions of women cast their ballots for the General simply because "they are used to him and are afraid of what would happen were he to disappear. But the most devoted Gaullists are the oldtimers, veteran troops who joined the Free France movement in 1940. Their homage is unconditional. They are the ones who willing serve... the right?
Willingly serve in the positions assigned to them, remain at the General's beck and call... obey without argument, without even thinking, and kiss. If they must, the hand that smites them. For is it not true that the General always has good reason for his acts, and that once again, as always, he is in the right?
The King and His Court casts doubt on De Gaulle's infallibility, but it leaves no doubt of his ascendancy over the government and imagination of France. With little profundity--and little desire to be profound--Pierre Viansson-Ponte daubs a diverting portrait of a democratic reign and the motley entourage that supports it