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The Politics of Civil Rights:

Convention Tactics Divide Leadership

Tuesday, August 25: Through the night, Rauh confers with Humphrey. Rauh later tells the delegates that three people have argued with Johnson--one as recently as 6 a.m.--but that the President will not change his stand. Humphrey indicates that if the compromise fails and a floor fight ensues he will lose the vice-presidency.

At 11 a.m., Rauh, exhausted from the all-night session, appears at the church. The delegates listen silently as he describes the "excruciating pressure" applied to the Credentials Committee: One woman's husband has been threatened with the loss of a judgeship; another member has been pressured by the Secretary of the Army.

Moses rises from the back of the church. He states that he believes the administration will try and trap the MFDP by offering a new compromise. "They promised," continues Moses, "to abolish segregation in Mississippi politics. I asked Humphrey if that meant the federal government would aid in voter registration. 'Those are two seperate matters,' he replied."

Rauh replies that Johnson "won't budge." He is certain there will be no new compromise. Moses speaks of the rumor that the Credentials Committee may adjourn without making a report.

Rauh retorts that he will defeat the motion to adjourn by forming "a coalition with the South to force the Committee to report." Rauh's strategy still centers about the floor fight he believes is inevitable.

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Moses finishes by asking the delegation to accept the Green proposal as their minimal demand. The delegates respond with a unanimous "aye."

At 3 p.m. Walter Reuther informs Rauh of the new administration proposal--the plan eventually approved by the convention. The traditional party will be seated after signing a loyalty oath; 1968 convention rules will prohibit segregation in Democratic Party affairs; Edwin King and Aaron Henry will be seated as delegates at large with a vote apiece. Humphrey confers with Henry and King. Moses asks for time to discuss the compromise with the delegation. His request is refused.

At 5 p.m. Rauh returns to the church to ask the delegation to approve the compromise. Moses interruts to remind the delegates that they have already voted to reject the compromise. The delegation cheers him.

Martin Luther King and Ella Baker, MFDP Washington staff member, clash violently over the issue. The delegation must accept the compromise, says King, to lessen "the long suffering and deep-seated frustration of the Negro people." "We must reject it," says Miss Baker, "to condemn the massive political pressure exerted by the administration."

That night, Freedom delegates wearing borrowed credentials enter the covention by "Underground Railway"--once they reach the Mississippi sector, they remove the badges, which are then taken outside and used to bring in more delegtes. A crush of reporters keep the sargeants-at-arms away.

"Fair and Square"

Only Moses periodically penetrates the mass, leading two or three more delegates to the Mississippi seats. Henry sits in the center. "They wanted to seat us at large," he explains to the reporters mobbing him, "but we wanted our seats in Mississippi. We don't see why its so exciting."

Meanwhile, most members of the Credentials Committee express approval of the President's compromise. Support for a minority report immediately slips from eighteen to four. Rauh maintains that the compromise is "fair and square;" he has, however, lost the trust of the Freedom Party. Many staff members unfairly charge King with having convinced the Credentials Committee not to issue a minority report.

Wednesday, August 26: Henry attempts to get the delegates to reconsider the compromise. They refuse to take a new vote; but they agree to listen to the leaders of "groups whose help we've been forced to depend on."

Bayard Rustin discusses the political attitude of the Negro. We are "moving from an early protest movement into the political structure," he begins. "A protest movement requires an attitude of suffering, of absolutism, of vindication. A political movement requires compromise. Mississippi has showed you that political action is what we need. We should have sent the dixiecrats home and stayed and voted."

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