Of the Convention Hall sit-in, he reflects that such attention-getting devices are becoming obsolete. "Do not make the mistake of applying a demonstration philosophy to a political structure."

King then cautions that "nothing could be more dishonest than to overestimate -- or underestimate -- what has been done. The problem is giving the people a deep-seated sense of what has been accomplished."

Three weeks ago, King continues, "Johnson had no intention of recognizing the MFDP. . . .You have immobilized the political machinery of the nation. You have caused the Democratic Party to purge itself."

Morally Right

Oregon's Senator Wayne Morse argues for the compromise: "Rauh's witnesses shook my colleagues. . . . I am sorry the issue couldn't be brought to the floor. . .If tonight, for the first time, two Negroes cast votes, that will be tremendous progress."

James Farmer tells the delegates: "You were politically wrong, but morally right. If your decision remains firm, you are choosing not to join the Democratic Party."

Moses rebuts them all: "I think that you are not responsible for this country--its the people running the country that are responsible. All you can know is the hell hole you came from. It is not up to you to make political decisions.

"Last night's demonstration was a creative decision in the sense that it brought the delegation and the COFO workers out of their deep dispair. The whole purpose of the Freedom Party is to get the vote. We have the right to dramatize the fact that we have seats without a vote."

That evening the MFDP delegates again enter the convention hall. The Mississippi seats have been removed. The Freedom delegates stand in the empty space.

That morning ACT agreed to cancel its proposed stall-in at Atlantic City if the MFDP continues its sit-in. It is uncertain how much ACT's announcement influenced Moses' decision to return to the convention floor.

Once the Freedom delegates had entered the convention hall Wednesday night, they could not reconsider the compromise. King attempted to persuade Moses to reconsider his position by telling him that Humphrey promised co-operation with civil rights leaders for the next four years if the compromise was accepted. "We must be both militant and moderate," said King. Replied Moses: "Humphrey and McCarthy haven't been our allies. We need to build a fire under their feet."

* * *

Moses' contempt for tokenism was central to the MFDP's rejection of the compromise. Moses contends: "We are not here to bring politics into civil rights. We are here to bring civil rights into politics."

The MFDP won a compromise which indicates a turning point in the Democratic Party, which traditionally has been profoundly influenced by lilly-white Southern delegations. Why did the delegation still feel morally incapable of agreeing to the compromise?

Rauh's optimism may have been at fault. He should have prepared the delegates for a compromise. But Rauh is a natural optimist. It is probable that the delegates misinterpreted his personality.

The rejection of the compromise was also a rejection of President Johnson. The delegates now view him as a Southerner opposed to progress in civil rights. In his handling of the challenge, they charge, he subordinated Negro interests to his use of the convention as a show of great political unity.

Moses, a man of uncompromising morality, imposed his own standards on the delegation during the convention. But Moses, a humble and selfless man, stepped into the leadership role because the Party was floundering. He may step out as the Party gains strength.

Three alternatives are now open to the MFDP. It can remain a small, isolated Mississippi protest group. It can form branches in other states to make a strong Negro voting bloc. Or it can follow its original aim of work in within the structure of the Democratic Party. If it tries to work in the Democratic Party, it may have to realize that a compromise is not necessarily based on betrayal, cowardice, and ignorance, that it is often a part of the process of two strong groups vying for power. Without using the weapon of compromise, the MFDP may remain powerless