If any African state did attempt to intervene in South Africa, the White Republic could not expect support from the Western nations, including Britain and the United States, which have already condemned apartheid in official statements and want to retain the friendship of the Afro-Asian states which now hold the balance of power in the United Nations.

At home, Verwoerd's troubles have already started. In Natal, the "Jingo" Province, the republic was rejected by more than 70 per cent of the voters, the majority of whom are English-speaking and regard Britain as "home." There have been cries of "secession" in the province since the result of the referendum has been announced.

Verwoerd also has to silence the British Press which was described by a leading government supporter at the height of the referendum campaign as "the last bastion" which the Nationalists had to overcome to gain complete control over South Africa.

At the time of this writing, four White, anti-government journalists are in jail, or facing charges, for criticizing the government's handling of the state of emergency which succeeded the death of 68 Africans at Sharpeville in March. Lewis Nkosi, an African reporter who should be at Harvard on an Associate Nieman Fellowship, is having trouble obtaining a passport to leave South Africa. He will be lucky to get here.

The principal offense of the English newspapers in the eyes of the Nationalists is their relentless exposure of the unsavory facts of apartheid rule. They are conservative when compared with newspapers here and in England; their policies are directed toward achieving reforms within constitutional framework; they criticize all forms of violence, whether it is perpetrated by the White authorities or by the African demonstrators.

Once the Nationalists have silenced the English Press they will be able to draw a smokescreen over any future riots and disturbances. The outside world relies to a large extent on the ability of reporters employed by the English Press for stories about conditions in South Africa.

The White Government must hope of the Cold War to become colder, and for the Congo muddle to become more uncertain, so that world attention is directed away from South Africa.

The government hopes, too, that the United Nations will lose prestige and power because a dangerous (to Verwoerd) precedent of U.N. intervention has been established in the Congo.

At home, the republican government will have to do its best to prevent the outbreak of another Sharpeville. After 68 African demonstrators had been killed and nearly 200 wounded by police fire at Sharpeville township near Johannesburg last March, condemnation of South Africa's racial policies came from many nations, including the United States.

Events have moved with unexpected rapidity in South Africa this year.

British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan set the ball rolling. After politely inspecting mines, factories, and "model" Black townships, he made his celebrated "winds of change" speech to an astounded White Parliament in Cape Town. He made it clear that Great Britain could no longer remain silent about apartheid, and condemned it vigorously.

This led to cries that Britain had deserted White South Africa to curry favor with the emergent Black states of Africa. Verwoerd said that only a republic could solve the problems facing the Whites, and speeded up his plans to hold the referendum.

Then, in March, came the shootings at Sharpeville.

The Pan-African Congress, a splinter group of Chief Albert Luthuli's leading African National Congress, decided to test its strength among African workers by calling for the massive demonstration against the "pass laws," the symbol of White rule.

When news of the shooting reached Africans in other urban areas, spontaneous demonstrations were staged in protest against the police action. Several men and women fled from South Africa because they feared arrest.