The following op-ed will appear in a print edition of The Crimson the week of June 2.

Sixty-three years ago, in 1945, my grandmother qualified as a young physician in Iraq. Her parents had accepted her decision not to wear the concealing black “abaya,” and she walked freely in the streets with her friends. Thirty years later, with oil prices spiraling in the wake of regional conflicts, she was one of a generation of female professors, department heads, and even ministers in Baghdad. To this day, her daughter, my aunt, fights for women’s rights, unbowed and unscarved, in the Iraqi capital.

This story does not fit the common image of Iraqis, but the Iraq of my grandmother is just as real as that of radical cleric Moqtada al-Sadr. Every nation is built on a story that explains its past to its own people and the outside world. But the story of every nation is complex. Iraq, like any other country, must be understood as a combination of many stories, and not only those that grab headlines.

In revealing this complexity, educational institutions play a primary role. A university like Harvard, with its outstanding level of scholarship covering all parts of the globe, carries a responsibility to tell the full story, especially regarding Iraq, in whose future America has invested such a large stake.

This is no easy task. In dealing with a strange and distant place, there is a great risk of simplification. Policy makers and the public want an easily digestible analysis, distinguishing good from bad and recommending blanket action. Academics who insist on a nuanced view are often sidelined. Their role in framing the debate is then filled by an obliging but inexpert press, which resorts to dismissive stereotypes when their Manichean analysis breaks down.

Even prestigious publications often fall into this trap. In recent days, an article in the New York Times declared Iraq “a place where even the most basic reasoning refuses to go in a straight line.” This was in response to Iran’s seemingly confusing approval of attempts to crack down on Shi‘a militias. In fact, Iran’s behavior was perfectly rational, even predictable, given a more careful understanding of the situation. Her close alliance with the Shi‘a group which leads the government provides ample explanation for supporting the action.

The article’s description of Iraq as a place where logic does not apply is dangerous, because it suggests that no attempt to understand the situation is possible. As well as damaging the image of Iraq, it hinders America’s ability to make policy.

At Harvard, this kind of analysis is not considered acceptable. Students are taught that “the devil is in the details” by professors who have spent their lives illuminating the many and varied stories that go towards forming the history of a region. In this, Harvard generally does an excellent job. The biggest challenge for academics is to get a wider hearing without diluting their message. It is also a responsibility that they pass onto their graduating students.

As I graduate this year with a Masters in Middle East studies, I look forward to taking on some of this responsibility. I hope to be part of rebuilding Iraq’s universities, which were once the pride of the Arab world. Their ruin in recent years not only means a decline in technical knowledge for Iraqis. It has also deeply undermined the story of their nation.

It is not enough for Harvard and other American institutions to provide a balanced view on Iraq that offsets the stereotypes and simplifications peddled in the media. It is the task of Iraqi educational institutions to elaborate a national discourse that neither belittles any of its constituent groups, nor threatens national unity. Through the knowledge that they create, they must project a varied and accurate image of Iraq both to Iraqis and to the outside world. They must also play the primary role in opening Iraq to new knowledge from outside.

My vision is of Iraqi universities working in partnership with institutions such as Harvard in the creation of knowledge, both technical and cultural. There can be no doubt that this relationship would be beneficial for both sides. Above all, it would allow Iraq to share in the task of creating the global narrative of history, politics, and belief.

However, in the current climate, very little is being done. A conference in Erbil, Iraq, in December attended by representatives of Iraq’s ministries, universities, and NGO community concluded that universities must be given autonomy in order to assure their academic freedom. But this measure has been on the table since 2003 and is no closer to implementation.

Because of the centrality of education in creating a national identity, many groups seeking power over the state have a vested interest in controlling curriculums and teaching methods. Creating a system of thriving, independent schools that are agents rather than tools in forging a new sense of unity amongst Iraqis at times seems a near impossible task. It is also one of the utmost importance.

In taking on this challenge, I will be led by the knowledge that Iraq’s universities have produced excellence in the past and can do so again. I will also be enriched at every stage by my experiences in an institution that leads the world in the creation of knowledge.

Hassan Al-Damluji is a graduate student pursuing an AM in Middle Eastern Studies.