IN the early '80s, Steve Martin said, "I believe that Ronald Reagan will make this country what it once was: a polar region covered with ice." While the legacy of Ronald Reagan isn't quite that dramatic, he has been responsible for an increased coolness in America's political and moral climate.

In fact, about the only thing that has warmed up during the Reagan years is our relationship with the Soviet Union. Though seemingly in contradiction to his early statements calling the U.S.S.R. an "evil empire," Reagan seized the opportunity Mikhail Gorbachev's rise to power presented and negotiated real arms reductions with the Soviets.

But Reagan's foreign policy achievements fall under the shadow of the unethical standards he encouraged. His Administration's deceit on behalf of the Nicarguan contras has been reprehensible. The Administration has tried to cloud foreign policy issues by casting doubt about which branch has Constitutional authority to make foreign policy, or trying to pretend the disputes are mere partisan politics. Would either be a valid excuse for claiming one policy while carrying out another? It becomes a question of honesty and honor. Would any of us buy a used car from Elliot Abrams? Even if Ollie North would deliver it? Whom can we believe in future administrations?

ONE of the quiet but significant political changes Reagan has made is his reshaping of the federal judiciary, both in substance and in process. While Reagan appointed "only" three new Supreme Court Justices (who will be the swing votes on many important issues), he also appointed a new Chief Justice, with power over who writes the opinions, magnifying the appointees' combined clout. The hundreds of other federal judges Reagan appointed are even more significant, since they will interpret the Supreme Court's decisions in most cases.

In terms of process, never before have candidates for the judiciary been so thoroughly screened. When President Dwight Eisenhower appointed Earl Warren, he never suspected how often he would disagree with his Chief Justice. The process now insures against such dissent. The political litmus test has been extended (though not entirely) to our "insulated" third branch of government.

Reagan's approach to the political process has stressed appearance more than governance. Never accepting the blame is a cornerpiece of the Reagan political legacy. While the buck always stopped with Harry Truman, Ronald Reagan seems content to feign ignorance and absent-mindedness time and again, letting his hand-picked subordinates resign one after another in disgrace and shame. Politicians in both parties have taken note of this absolute rejection of responsibility and learned.

The other political lesson Reagan has taught future leaders is how to avoid accountability by charming the national media until the crisis blows over. Some of his most valuable instructions include: learn how to control the media, so that they do not control you; keep a tight rein on press conferences so that important issues cannot be fully explored and you can't nailed; and always have a joke or anecdote to prove your point gently, no matter how strained the analogy or unbelievable the circumstances.

REAGAN wrote his own chapter in the history of the cold war by overseeing the largest peacetime buildup of the armed forces in history. This buildup, however, has not necessarily led to greater security because of the great corruption and inefficiency which has festered in the Pentagon during his tenure. The scandals are numerous and widespread, ranging from the trading of top-secret information to mere collaboration between military officials and corporate contractors. Of course, nowadays, one can barely distinguish between the two.

Neither Reagan nor Caspar Weinberger could resist any of the overpriced hardware offered them over the past eight years. The gains from such spending have been marginal. Now, indisputably, we are the most powerful military force in the hemisphere--ask any Grenadan.

While many worthwhile non-military programs languish in funding obscurity, the military programs have continued to receive more than their fair share of scarce budgetary resources. Current budget deficits exceed $150 million because of these military expenditures. In fact, Reagan has mortgaged the future prosperity of America by tripling the gross national debt. While his subordinates would have us believe that Congress is responsible for these deficits, it is the President who has always submitted unbalanced budgets--and he, therefore, who should accept the blame.

Even George Will admits that it is Reagan who has knocked the budget into "radical imbalance." This imbalance has kept interest rates at historically high levels. By spending so much money without taking it back through taxation, Reagan has kept the economy going with the only other funds available: foreign investment. The "firesale of America" is not necessarily a cause for xenophobic fits, but the nonchalance with which we have taken this path is disturbing.

FINALLY, the most dramatic change Reagan has brought about is the coldness in the way Americans view the less fortunate in society. His support of unrestrained big business has widened even further the gap between the country's rich and poor. While the million aires have never had it better, typical middle-class families with both parents working are slowly going under.

The problems of drug abuse, homelessness and illiteracy have never seemed more menacing. Instead of vigorously attacking these problems, Reagan has continued to espouse his laissez-faire philosophy that the market or private individuals will solve them, leaving only national defense to the government. So far, this free-market approach has generated mostly record greed and selfishness, rather than solutions.

While there is no nation so blessed as ours, with a natural temperament and natural resources conducive to success, Reagan's vision of a future in which all Americans have a chance to achieve the proverbial American Dream is flawed and Panglossian. His message seems not to be that we should create this bright future, but that it will create itself if we don't interfere.

In stark contrast to Ronald Reagan's prescription for success, which asks us to hope that wealth will someday trickle down to our less successful brethren, we should work to create an environment of cooperation in which all men and women have meaningful opportunities to succeed. After eight years of Ronald Reagan's cold shoulder, we should see to it that George Bush's "kinder, gentler nation" generates some warmth.