In an attempt to broaden his political appeal the Rev. Jesse Jackson this year is stressing questions of "economic violence" as oppossed to the issues of "racial violence" he emphasized when he last sought the Democratic presidential nomination.

In public appearences, he less frequently refers to racial issues, saying that "yesterday's fights" have been won and that those victories now must be protected and implemented. Today's fight, Jackson has said, is the battle against an unfair and troubled economy.

But it's not just his politics that is changing. Jackson has also toned down much of his campaign rhetoric and theatrical speeches, often choosing toaddress specific issues rather than offeringsermons on broader moral and political themes.

"His explosive [speaking] style garnered himgreat crowds in '84, but not votes. In '88, he'sgetting the votes," said N.H. Coordinator StevenA. Cancian.

As a part of this new direction, Jackson isactively seeking the support from influentialconstitutents he did not win over in 1984,including prominent members of the Black communitywho were sharply divided over his candidacy.

His strategy is yielding success. Jackson'scandidacy in 1984 was seen as a surprise to somevoters, since he was the first Black to run forthe presidential office. But some politicalanalysts have said in the past four years Jacksonhas kept himself in the national limelight and thepublic may be growing more amenable to hiscandidacy.

Jackson is also benefiting from the lack of astrong opponent, since a front-runner has not yetemerged in the Democratic party and many of theother candidates still have a low name recognitionbeyond their regions.

Though he only has formal headquarters in threestates, Illinois, Iowa and New Hampshire, and hasraised the smallest amount of money of the sixcandidates, Jackson is ranked first or second inalmost every poll of the Democratic candidates.

If he does well in the New Hampshire primary inFebruary, as his aides expect him to, the positivevote will further prove the success of hisbroad-based strategy, because N.H. is a state withfew unemployed and Black voters--his mainconstitutents.

His plan has also earned him the support ofBlack mayors from across the nation, includingSharpe James of Newark and Harold Washington ofChicago, who have recently joined the Jacksonbandwagon.

But some elected officials, including MayorAndrew Young of Atlanta and Mayor Tom Bradley ofLos Angeles, have yet to back Jackson.

Jackson supporters dismiss the contention thathis image shift means he will move to themainstream and forsake his traditionalconstituents. Rather, they say he is notforgetting his loyal special interest coalitions,but including them in the larger scheme of hisplatform.

"Our message now is all inclusive, everyone isconcered with racial violence, but only some arevictims," said Cancian. "But everyone is a victimof economic violence."

Cancian said the shift can be seen as a move toa more moderate stand, but he said theramifications are radical because an economicmessage has the capacity to affect more people.

"A national health care system is more radicalthan an affirmative action plan," he said.