To the Editors of the CRIMSON:

Here's another version of the relevance of Calkins' view on schools in Cleveland to what he does at Harvard.

Calkins is a liberal capitalist and sees that this (capitalist) society "needs" two kinds of people--highly educated professionals to run and manipulate from high positions in government and industry, and workers of increasing skill to actually produce the goods for society. Being a capitalist, Calkins believes that the rewards should be distributed largely to the former group, and that wage increases must be fought....

Thus in his "liberal" crusades for Cleveland schools, it would seem from the CRIMSON article that he stressed the need for upgrading the vocational-education system, and that his "clearest success came among Cleveland businessman," as they "quietly looked over reports showing that Cleveland's industrial growth rate was suffering in comparison with cities that had revamped their schools."

Why are these businessmen so concerned about city education? Local myths aside, there is still a working class, and these businessmen are dependent upon a supply of new and well trained workers (from revamped vocational high schools). And they are equally dependent upon a highly educated elite to sit on top of the structure (from Harvard and similar institutions).

Calkins' main intent, then, is to make the present system more efficient, without raising questions about its basic nature. Thus, better vocational high schools because only 30% of Cleveland's graduates go to college, without asking why this is so; thus opposition to the war is fine, and he would like to see it work, but his higher priority is in not changing any basic structures, and so he recommends another mass movement to end the war (McCarthy was fun, but what did it accomplish)?; for the ghettoes he recommends black capitalism (what's wrong with a black elite as long there is a black working class? It undoubtedly is even more efficient). However, when SDS raises issues that challenge the role of Harvard as an elite funnel, and the expansion to support this role at the expense of the working class, Calkins is carefully evasive:

Abolishg ROTC-how does HE know it won't help end the war, and since all else has failed, why not TRY structural changes, if ending the war is really desired.

Affiliagted hospitals--no one has demanded that the hospital not be built, but why not build it where plans call for moderate income housing, rather than tearing down working class houses.

Harvard money in ghettoes--Calkins says (meanacingly) money would have to be cut from somewhere else--like the Afro-American Studies Department dollar underpass, etc.?

The danger of this kind of liberal crusade is that it might work. Then we'll have more efficient channelling of ghetto children into vocational high schools and onto the working class, Harvard men will still be the elite, reaping even greater rewards from the more efficient system, the rich will be richer, the gap will be greater.

And what for SDS? Let them be elegant martyrs--win sympathy, but have as little impact on the power structure that keeps it all going as the Civil Rights workers had on the Southern power structure. Gregory K. Pilkington '67, 1L