Ever since the Greek Army overthrew the government last Friday, it has been issuing contradictory reports and confusing labels. The military leaders claim that they acted to prevent a revolution planned by former premier George Papandreou, that King Constantine supported the coup and that the new government would somehow bring stability and remove the threat of "dangerous leftists."

The regime's censorship of communications has garbled any information which could challenge its assertions, but certain facts are clear. The coup was staged by a small group of officers without the knowledge of the King and, once he learned of it, in open defiance of him. The King so far has refused to endorse the dictatorship and is under arrest at his country palace. There has been a general suspension of constitutional guarantees, and Army leaders have resorted to intimidating shows of arms. A minority of extreme right-wing leaders clearly is consolidating its power.

The new dictatorship cannot possibly lead to a lasting solution of the tensions which have built up in Greece since Papandreou's dismissal as prime minister in 1965. The Army is not sufficiently strong, united, or popular to contain dissent for long especially in the face of opposition from the moderate right, symbolized by the king. There will probably be bloodshed and the regime, if insecure, may resort to political executions.

The United States government should exert its considerable influence immediately to prevent any executions by the Army regime and to pressure the regime into restoring the nation's constitutional processes. U.S. military aid to Greece amounts to about $100 million a year, and the Greek army is totally integrated into NATO.

The current regime will undoubtedly appeal for U.S. support on the basis that, if elections were held, the Left would be powerful enough to win, end the monarchy, adopt neutrality as a policy, pull Greece out of NATO, and eventually drag the country into the Communist camp. Already an Army spokesman has stated that the new government would "observe Greece's commitment to NATO" and would "solve the problem of Cyprus without disregarding the rights of the Turkish minority." Both declarations were delivered for Washington's benefit.

The regime's excuse for the coup boils down to a supposed threat of a revolution led by Papandreou. But Papandreou is no radical. He has refused to form a coalition government with the Communist front United Democrat Party. He was the man sent by Churchill in 1944 to become prime minister and quell the Communist party until an army could be organized. Nor is Papandreou's increasingly popular son Andreas a dangerous leftist; he is a reformer.

In all likelihood, it was the threat of a coalition between Papandreou's Center Union party and the moderates of a the National Radical Union that forced the Army's hand. Much of the past conflict between Constantine and Papandreou has developed from the power and political allegiance of the Army. It became the focus of suspicion and drove the factions to extremes.

In the present crisis, the U.S. could play an equally important role in restoring some sort of constitutional government to Greece. Even to maintain neutrality towards the military coup would be tantamount to support of the dictatorship. It would be more in the long-range interest of the U.S. to refuse recognition to the current regime.