During its brief existence, the Republic of Cyprus has been paralysed politically. Conflict between Greek and Turkish Cypriotes has hamstrung the attempts of the Makarios government to legislate. Vice-President Kutchuk has vetoed income tax legisaltion, for example, so that the central government is supported only by extralegal taxation in the Greek community.

Cyprus' political straitjacket has forced its economy, to remain largely as the British left it when they granted independence in 1960, after five years of gureilla struggle. Cyprus is a classic example of a colonial economy, exporting raw materials, mainly mineral ores, and importing manufactures. Forty-five percent of foreign trade is with the United Kingdom. Now the poilitical and economic tensions in Cyprus have brought that country to the verge of civil war.

Partition of Cyprus into Greek and Turkish sectors, which is proposed by Turkey and kutchuk, with the division of the island and the uprooting of the population, would be a disaster, Such a partition would wreck for years any hope of economic improvement, destroy what political stability the island has left, and pave the way for more hostilities. The Greek sector would surely ally itself to Athens and the Turkish to Ankara, thus dragging Greece and Turkey further towards war. The British, who had the lessons of partition spelled out for them in Ireland, India, and Palestine, rejected this plan when they gave the island home rule. Fortunately it is unlikely that partition will ever occur, and even the Turkish Cypriotes are probably using the demand only to strengthen their position at the bargaining table.

Since Cyprus must remain one nation and since any nation needs a government which can Function, the first move towards progress in Cyprus is to remove the Vice-President's veto. This would not be an intolerable demand to make of the Turkish faction. The Turkish community (18 percent of the population) would still retain the constitutionally guaranteed control of the Vice-Presidency, 30 percent of the Council of Ministers, 30 percent of the House of Representatives, 30 percent of the ponce force, and 40 percent of the army. More important, the Turkish Cypriotes would retain their own community government. (The Greeks also have a separate body for their own local affairs.) This government, elected by Turks, runs the separate Turkish courts, separate Turkish schools, Muslim religious affairs, and the Turkish part of all the other divided institutions that typify this schizophrenic island.

However, an end of the absolute minority veto is only the first step towards a workable government. The door must be opened for further advances. Cyprus has no way amend its constitution. It needs a method of amendment that will enable the Turks to protect their present status, and allow changes now acceptable to both parties. The larger reforms can occur when Greco-Turkish relations reach happier times.

But the most immediate problem in Cyprus is the threat of war. Civil war in Cyprus would involve not only half a million Cypriotes, but also the nations of Greece and Turkey. One step towards preventing further hostilities would be to remove the Greek and Turkish forces stationed on the island. Any clash between these troops could precipitate a war, and their presences on the island has certainly done little to protect the peace, British forces should also be withdraws, both because British interests differ significantly from Cypriote interests, and because Britain has consistently shown that it cannot solve Cyprus's problems. In fact the United Kingdom is partly responsible for the antagonism which divides the two Cypriote communities.

A disinterested forcs is needed to persttade the British Greek, and Turkish troops toleve Cyprus and to prevent further killings. NATO, already damaged by the Greco-Turkish feud, would probably further weaken its position in the Middle East if it attempted to mediate between Greek and Turkish Cypriotes, Moreover, NATO has no right to intervene since Cyprus is not a NATO member, Because both Cypriote have expressed to deal with the United Nations, to some degree, a U.N. police forced is probably the best choice for the island.

To suggest that removal of all foreign troops and two constitutional changes will solve all of Cyprus' problems would be foolhardy. No matter what its cause, the between the Greek and Turkish communities is real and will remain even after foreign troops have left. But this division is a problem which must be solved in Nicosia, not in London, Athens, or Ankara.