With apologies towards none and coyness for all, New York's Governor Rockefeller has hit the Presidential campaign trail. A few apologies are due, however, for the character of his efforts so far.

The Governor has no easy task. He must find issues to distinguish himself from Mr. Nixon. Yet he cannot afford to, nor, perhaps does he want to, do this by repudiating the Eisenhower administration with which Mr. Nixon must be associated. He has, therefore, been forced into taking positions opposite from those which he has been associated with in the past; positions basically more conservative and illiberal.

There are several further disturbing elements in Rockefeller's activities to date. Some result from flaws in the Presidential nominating system which force candidates to play both to the mass primaries and to the organization-controlled conventions: others are directly traceable to his own political attitudes.

The professionals are interested in one thing, choosing a winner. Rockefeller is out to show he is such a winner, and that Nixon is not. Yet, while the whole "Nixon can't win" issue is undoubtedly of interest to the regular party workers, it is completely irrelevant to the voter trying to decide which man he wants to win. And, more significantly, this dilemma forces Rockefeller to concentrate on issues which emphasize his campaigning ability, his television sex appeal, rather than his political statesmanship. Furthermore, the positions he takes in such a situation tend to be chosen on crowd-pleasing content, for, campaigning to show "Nixon can't win," he himself cannot afford to take an unpopular stand.

Unfortunately, this deference to public opinion seems also to be inherent in his own approach towards campaigning. Throughout his stand on such varied issues as exchanges with Russia and resumption of atomic tests runs a more than natural concern with shaping his position to fit public opinion. And behind them all lurks the strong suspicion that if Nixon had not pre-empted the opposite views Rockefeller would have made them his own.

His approach becomes most distressingly apparent, however, in his attitude towards public opinion polls. His faith in them, going so far as to allow them to determine whether he would make an effort for the nomination, reflects his faith in the techniques of Madison Avenue. These techniques include his fine large staff which creates an aura of organization and efficiency that permeates all his activities. The staff has seldom slipped. One of the times it did was in Providence, where Rockefeller, not knowing what he was talking about, hastily supported the student loyalty affidavit in the NDEA.

Due to the present system of nominations, however, one can expect a full blitz of winning Rockefeller smiles and dark "Nixon can't win" statements. Rockefeller has shown as governor that he can indeed courageously undertake necessary but momentarily unpopular actions. He has shown genuine leadership. Such leadership would be very welcome relief from the usual campaign inanities, and restore much of the lustre Rockefeller has lost behind his flashing smile.