This year's Cambridge municipal election is distressingly quiet. But beneath the veneer of a routine campaign--one with no live, city-wide issues, one in which no top candidates have spoken out too loudly on anything, and one in which the incumbents are highly favored to retain their seats--Harvard University has a vital interest.

Politically right now, Cambridge is divided into two camps: the Cambridge Civic Association on the one hand, and the rest of the city, lumped together as "independents," on the other. Neither group is homogeneous, neither controls its candidates with the force of an organized political party, and neither is static. But both exist.

Basically, the CCA represents what can easily be termed the "better elements" of the Cambridge community, the intelligentsia. Non-partisan in scope, the CCA preaches a goal of "Good City Government for Cambridge." Ideally, this vague phrase should stand for the best in American democracy--that is, an honest, efficient, and just administration--an objective the CCA says Cambridge deserves. Practically speaking, however, the phrase means something negative: to keep the traditional bossism, favoritism, and power politics out of Cambridge's city government.

The essential tone of the entire CCA organization, platform, candidates, and campaign stems from Harvard. The University's influence, in the broadest sense of the word, is the influence behind the CCA. In no way does this mean the University supports the CCA financially; rather both Harvard and the members of the CCA have similar goals. This seems reasonable since the most significant faction within the CCA has some sort of Harvard connection.

Despite its tremendous public relations campaign to convince voters it is not dominated by Harvard, the CCA's tone and general attitude unmistakably corresponds with the University's. It disdains the demagogue, the smearer, the emotionally tinged campaign. Physically, the CCA accomplishes its goal through a proportional representation system of voting, where voters select their candidates in order of preference. Through the complicated counting process the CCA finds its elan vital--representation on the nine-man City Council and the six-man School Committee.

In a plurality rather than PR election, the CCA maintains, the Irish minority of 30% could control the two governing bodies. On occasions, another large ethnic group, the Italians, might gain some representation. But the numerous other subgroups within the city, particularly the greater-Harvard, greater-Brattle St. area of wealthy and upper middle classes, would have no say in City government. With PR, however, the CCA can organize support for a slate of candidates and elect some of them.

CCA membership includes many types of people: solid citizen businessman, who does not want his financial interests subverted by politicians who might try to squeeze more taxes for their own profit; the young, liberal Democrat, favoring a clean city government, free of the bad qualities of bossism; and natural minorities like Jews and Negroes who see the CCA as a road by which they can express and protect their interests.

In the mysteries and realities of city politics, the University carefully refrains from taking official stands. Any Harvard support for a particular candidate or issue immediately arouses deep antagonisms, especially among less privileged, less informed voters. Nonetheless, the University is by nature obligated to protect its own interests, which generally correspond to those of the CCA.

Hence, while the University administration officially remains neutral, tacit support goes to the CCA as a whole; individuals within Harvard provide overt support. Major public support must thus come from the individuals, lest it seems the institution is trying to control City Hall. If the Cambridge electorate feels Harvard is trying to control it, the University will never build a good working relationship.

University relations with the city, never sugary due to the large chunk of non-taxable land owned by Harvard, have their ups and downs. In the "up" periods, the two corporate bodies usually leave each other alone and no more. During such periods, the University's sun shines, its buildings rise, and its lawyers relax.

The "down" periods usually mean a hostile politician in the Mayor's chair, a politician who makes the going tough for the University, and then capitalizes on the natural jealousy of his constitutents for the rich college.

In a civic address last spring, President Pusey emphasized the complementary features of the University and the city. Harvard obviously has a deep interest in a healthy Cambridge, for any other climate could eventually be nothing but detrimental to the academic atmosphere. During the Program for Harvard College, Pusey said one goal of the fund-raising was "to attract to Cambridge a constellation of the world's great minds, making the banks of the Charles--from the research centers beyond M.I.T. at the southern extremity as far as Eliot House on the north--a world capital of knowledge and research." Without a flourishing city, this dream could not come true.

Thus during an "up" period in Harvard-Cambridge relations, a city administration sympathetic to the University ideal prevails. This is the general outlook Harvard tries, however subtly, to foster in Cambridge city government.

The CCA, representing the progressive, intellectual elements within the city, has played this linking role of political savvy with moral concern so important to the University. Because of its influence, no threats to turn the Yard into a parking lot or to run the proposed belt highway by Thayer Hall have carried much weight.

On the City Council, CCA-endorsed incumbents include former Mayor Joseph A. DeGuglielmo '29, former Mayor Edward A. Crane '35, Mrs. Pearl K. Wise, and Mrs. Cornelia B. Wheeler. Present Mayor Thomas M. McNamara often voted with these Councillors during his two-year term, frequently giving the CCA a slim majority on the Council. Yet solidarity among the CCA bloc is by no means assured, and is frequently non-existent.