Texas, the state that split wide open during the 1952 election, is still divided. For Governor Allan Shivers, the rapidly declining "big man" in Lone Star politics, has made no move to heal the rift that separated his faction from the main trunk of the Democratic party.

Although the issue which caused Shivers to support Eisenhower in 1952 was the tidelands plank in the Democratic platform, members of both sides readily admit that the tidelands question was of only superficial importance. What the Shivers group really objected to was "Trumanism" and the Fair Deal. The "Shivers Democrats" now endorse virtually every G.O.P. policy, but they know that to be Republican in traditionally one-party Texas is political suicide.

When Shivers first announced his support of Eisenhower, polls indicated that his popularity dropped 26 percent from a record high of 80 percent. And it has since fallen with the plunging price of cattle to a point where a recent survey indicated that only 32 percent will vote for him should he decide to run for a third term this year, no matter who his opponent may be.

The move which cost Shivers more support than any other was his independent stand during last summers critical drought. Instead of requesting federal aid immediately, Shivers told the state's ranchers that federal relief would mean federal interference, and that they should "pull themselves up by their own bootstraps." It took heaps of dying cattle lying on the parched plains to convince him of his political blunder, and when he did request federal aid, it was almost too late.

With the coming of federal relief, the Governor's popularity took a brief rise, but soon proceeded to drop even farther when farmers realized that the aid was of the type that would benefit only the big rancher. What the small producer needed was government price supports for cattle and not the lower feed prices the Administration offered.

Farmers began to associate the Governor with the Administration's much disliked agricultural policies, and joined the strong anti-Shivers tide in the traditionally orthodox urban centers. The leader of the main-trunk Democrats continues to be ex-Speaker of the House Sam Rayburn, long a major power in Texas politics. When the state lost its National Committeeman because of the intra-mural feud, Rayburn represented Texas to the Committee. Representing the National Committee in the state is young D. B. Hardeman, who along with Maury Maverick, Jr. and Jim Sewall forms the nucleus of a group of liberal young Democrats, who, according to seasoned political observers, are the rising powers in the state. New Dealer Maury Maverick, Sr, continues to exert considerable influence in San Antonio and thereabouts.

The state's Senators are also split. Price Daniels, the ex-attorney general who was elected in 1952, is a strong Shivers man, while Lyndon Johnson is a fence straddler who stayed neutral until just before election day, when he gave a small speech in support of Stevenson. In an unprecedented move aimed at 1954, Johnson stumped the state after Congress adjourned last fall, and he seems to have the election in the bag. Orthodox Democrats are hoping that Shivers will contest Johnson in the primary, for he will almost surely lose. It is even doubtful whether Shivers could win the governor-ship again. In addition to the opposition that has already been shown, there is in Texas a strong tradition against a third term.

And while Eisenhower's popularity in Texas is also dropping steadily, an undercurrent of McCarthyism continues to swell. Two weeks ago, State Secretary Ben Shepard revoked the organizing privileges of three independent unions, claiming they were Communist controlled. His charges have not been proven, and it is generally felt that they are designed to boost his chances for a gubernatorial nomination. Experts feel that McCarthy himself is popular enough in Texas to win almost anything except a presidential race. Indeed, any Republican would lose. It looks as if Texas will be back in the Democratic fold come 1956.