Since the end of the last war, Western European defense has hinged on the dispute over German Rearmament. Military fears in France and political complications in Germany have delayed a satisfactory solution to this issue despite ceaseless discussion and investigation. After the last Big 3 conference, however, delegates agreed on a compromise plan which has been accepted by the North Atlantic Alliance council. Now it is up to the Bonn government to ratify the proposal.

Alhough the German government is in favor of contributing troops to a European army, it is equally earnest about unifying the country. If a unified Germany gave troops for allied defense, the Western front would reach the Polish border. Neither the Russians nor the Allies would permit this situation. The German Social Democrats, furthermore, will object to the rearmament plan as it now stands because it closely resembles the Pleven Plan which they have always opposed. As a result, Bonn may face a serious political crisis before rearmament is settled.

The Pleven Plan was the first move to solve the German military problem. Reflecting French opinion, it called for twelve basic units of under 6000 troops each with an international command down to the divisional level. No German officers could participate. France, particularly, wanted to prevent production of war equipment in the Ruhr industries because of any possible future threat.

Eisenhower objected to the Pleven Plan on two counts. 80,000 men were hardly sufficient to bring the European army up to a fighting potential equal to Russia's forces, and language difficulties would harm efficiency of command. He advocated, instead, 12 full divisions (about 20,000 men each), an integrated German command, and an effective tactical air force.

Many of these resolutions formed the basis of the Petersburg proposal, which was drawn up in Germany during 1950. Providing for one-man control over a joint officer corps from France, Germany, Italy, Belgium, Luxembourg, and the occupation powers, the Petersburg formula set a limit of 250,000 troops to be trained by an international staff. It also suggested that the Ruhr produce war materials, under joint Allied supervision.

Meanwhile, last June, the question of pooling resources and expenses was drafted by European allies into a separate 50-year pact, similar to the Schuman agreement for heavy industries. Coordination of the program was allotted to a Defense Authority, including a council of ministers, an assembly for management of administration, and a court of justice. The Bonn Government was in complete accord with this set up.

In recent conferences, however, the French have objected to German equality in the organization of command and also to the size of the force. The idea of one-man leadership was also questioned. So a compromise on the Pleven and Petersburg plans was made, cutting the total troop allotment to 175,000. The 50-year pact was accepted with slight modification. According to the agreement at the last Atlantic Pact conference, Germans will command at operational levels, but they will not receive appointment to the General Staff. At least the Allies have agreed upon the structure and size of German rearmament, but there is another hurdle. If voluntary enlistments fail to satisfy the quota, they will have to be supplemented by some form of conscription. To draft, the Bonn government would have to alter its constitution, incurring a possible cabinet change.

Until German Chancellor Adenauer can settle the differences in his government, German rearmament is still a long way off. The West has encouraged ratification by promising Germany relatively complete sovereignty within a few months. If the Allies want a solid defense for Western Europe, Germany must contribute to the European army.