In response to growing dismay in the United Nations over their action in Indonesia, the Dutch have reiterated their plea, "Give us more time and more credit for good will." The patience of the West, of the East, and of the Indonesian Republicans, however, was brought to an end by the Dutch "police action" on December 19 against Jokjakarta, the Republican capital. Since then, willingness to allow the Netherlands to find a solution for her former colony has vanished.

Before the war, the Netherlands East Indies supplied one-fifth of Holland's national wealth. Although the Dutch had ruled benevolently and were generally respected by the natives, the victory of Japanese troops in 1942 had a profound effect on the nationalist movement. Full of promises, the conquerors set up a puppet government of nationalist leaders. Collaborators soon found the promises worthless, but in 1945 they did not regret their move. The Japanese surrender caught British and Dutch troops unprepared. To keep order in the Islands, the Allies were forced to recognize existing Republican sovereignty in Java and Sumatra.

Difficulties Developed

In March, 1947, nationalists believed their 40-year-old cause at last victorious when they signed the Lingajatti Agreement with the Dutch, according them de facto recognition. There was no dispute about ends; both the Republic and Holland desired a United States of Indonesia which would win equal status with the Netherlands in a new commonwealth. A serious quarrel developed over means, however. The Agreement provided for each State to determine freely its relation to the U.S.I. and to the Netherlands. Fearing to unlcash the Republic altogether lost it decide against inclusion later on, the Dutel, demanded strict control of its military and foreign affairs. After two years of independent administration, the Republicans were unwilling to compromise and began to court the friendship of India and the Arab States. Within four months, the Dutch resorted to military measures to remedy an "intolerable situation."

Essentially the issues remain the same today. Truce has been imposed several times by a United Nations Good Offices Committee, composed of the United States, Belgium, and Australia, but both sides have disregarded its directives. The Renville Agreement of January, 1948, did little but restate the ambiguities of Lingajatti and proved abortive. With the help of a complete blockade of Republican territory, the Dutch were playing on time--snipping off pieces of nationalist holdings and converting them to pro-Dutch states. On December 19, Dutch paratroops descended on Jokjakaria and captured the heads of the Republican government, saying that it was no longer capable of keeping order in its territory or preventing violations of the Dutch border.

The long-tolerant UN found this excuse unsatisfactory. Faced with a deteriorating situation in the Far East, the United States refused to condone further resistance to Indonesian nationalism. Moreover, the Republican government had proved itself a going concern. In September, it successfully suppressed a serious communist uprising, but Dutch intransigence has since swelled communist ranks.

On January 22, representatives of 19 Asiatic nations, assembled in India by Nehru, demanded that the Dutch cease military activity immediately, withdraw to their lines of December 18, and reestablish the Republic by March 15. The UN passed a similar resolution five days later, calling for a constituent assembly by July 1950, followed by a transfer of sovereignty to the U.S.I., but not specifying the withdrawal of Dutch troops.

Holland at Bay

Enraged, the Dutch rejected both flatly, saying that nothing but chaos would result. They did not mention Republican President Hatta's proposal in November inviting Dutch troops to restore order if his government could not eliminate violence within two months after recognition.

In the last month, military success has been on the side of the Republican guerrillas, and the Dutch are finding their position less tenable. At the Indian meeting the formation of a Far Eastern bloc was suggested. Though rejected, it was clear proof that Asiatic nations are prepared to organize to protect their interests. Continued Dutch action has become enormously dangerous by risking alienation of such a group. To crack the whip, Senator Brewster recommended last month that ECA aid be cut-off from any nation which disregards UN directives.

These new developments have apparently impressed Netherlanders. Last week they made an offer to cease hostilities and hold a round table conference at the Hague on March 15. The Republicans rejected it, since it made no provision for the withdrawal of troops nor for favorable settlement of the two-year argument over recognition. But it is not too much to expect that the Dutch will concede even more in the near future. The Republic is clearly not the "ghost" they thought it to be, but expensively alive. Nations vitally concerned in Asia, particularly England and the U.S., will undoubtedly apply even more severe pressure on the Netherlands to save the situation in Indonesia while their is still time.