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Brass Tacks

Congressional Reform

A bumbling, inefficient, nineteenth century Congress is not competent to cope with the complex problems of modern government. The need for Congressional reorganization, long heralded by political scientists, has been recognized by progressive Congressmen; and a joint, non-partisan committee, headed by Senator La Follette and Representative Monroney, has recommended a program of reform which is gratifyingly similar to that proposed by prominent university professors.

the most deplorable fact in American political life--

The La Follette-Monroney report strikes hard at the difficulty of placing responsibility for governmental policy. Congressmen loudly wail that the function of policy formulation has slipped through their fingers and has been lost in the intricate maze of the executive department. The reasons for this sapping of legislative authority can be found in the anachronistic organization of Congress itself.

Since the Democratic and Republican parties alike contain within their ranks arch-conservatives and arch-liberals, since a Congressman's re-election depends not upon his unswerving support of a party program but upon the satisfaction rendered to his constituents and to pressure groups, and since there is no practicable method of enforcing party discipline in Congress, a Senator or Representative is inclined to vote for local interests rather than for national welfare. Illustrative of this unpleasant truth is the success of the Republican-Southern Democrat coalition, which has pounded the Administration's legislative program into an unrecognizable blob.

In an attempt to strengthen party responsibility and Congressional authority, the La Follette-Monroney Committee makes some proposals which will probably be greeted with the same enthusiasm as the recent suggestion of whipping-boy Wallace. Besides recommending adoption of an honest-to-God budget, increases in Congressional salaries, appointment of an administrative assistant for each solon, and the lifting of petty but time-consuming burdens such as the supervision of the District of Columbia, the report advocates a revamping of the overlapping, over powerful committee system. Congressional committee have long been the stronghold of the "rugged individualist" and the chief means by which a small group o men could deny the right of the majority to legislate. Therefore the reform urges that Senate standing committees be reduced from 48 to 18; House committee from 33 to 16. Each committee is to have a research board, staffed by technical experts who can give advice on measures coming under the committee's jurisdiction and on the conduct of agencies under its supervision.

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The La Follette-Monroney suggestions do not extend to abolition of seniority rule of the Senatorial filibuster, because it was felt that an attack on these institutions would kill whatever chance of Congressional acceptance he reform proposals night have. The report, however, does advocate another hotly, debated innovation--creation of a legislative-executive cabinet. Sitting in this cabinet are to be fourteen Congresmen, chosen equally from Presidential supporters in each house, who will be responsible for formulating the Administration's over-all legislative policy. These Congresional leaders, together with the President and heads of his chief agencies, would form the Joint Legislative-Executive Council, whose function would be to resolve the perennial conflict between the two most active divisions of our government.

The Joint Council would openly declare administration policy, and while no provision is made for expelling a rebellious party member, a record of individual action on party issues would be made public. The cowardly anonymity of a "teller" vote, which was used in the House on the devitalizing amendments to draft legislation, would be no longer available to political opportunists. Adoption of the reform committe's proposals will increase party responsibility, enable Congress to discharge its functions more efficiently, and provide a government at once more responsive to popular desires and more capable of decisive action.

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