Political hormones seem to be flowing freely this spring, and the results are almost as startling in the corpus politicus as in the corpus biologicus. One notes that Bulgaria is attempting the noble experiment of fascism. Under the tender ministrations of Tsankoff, whose government in 1923 executed Stambolisky, the Agrarian dictator, the king's conscience has been stirred. Abandoning the neutrality which he has maintained for many years, Boris has consented to dissolve parliament and replace the present cabinet with an "authoritarian" government. Successful declaration of martial law has been followed by the usual arrests of Socialist and Communist leaders.

A pleasant note is added by the fact that Yugoslavia is said to be massing troops on the border to prevent the ingress of the Bulgarian radicals, most of whom are said of he anti-Yugoslav. By this time, the moves in a fascist coup d'etat have become so routined that the Yugoslav variant is more than welcome.

The present action is, of course, directly the outcome of the recent history of Bulgaria. With the close of the war, Bulgaria, who had joined the Central Powers, received the terms of her punishment in the Treaty of Neuilly. Since she had lost much in the settlements closing the Balkan Wars, there was not much that could be lost territorially. Possibly the severest blow was the loss of her Aegean coast-line, with economic as well as political consequences. Never a wealthy state at any time, by the war and the peace treaty, Bulgaria was reduced in power, population, area, and resources to a point where she became one of the least important of the Balkan states.

As a result of the military defeat, King Fordinand was forced to abdiento, since the alliance with the Central Powers had been principally his undertaking. Under his son and successor, Boris, the Agrarian party rose to power. By 1920, Stambolisky succeeded in establishing a virtual dictatorship in his party, and in the next three years managed to alienate a number of important groups in the state. Since he was chiefly interested in the peasant proprietors, he became increasingly intolerant and oppressive of other classes.

Against him Tsankoff conspired successfully in 1923, and his overthrow was followed by his execution. Two serious Communist revolts were followed by even more severe measures of repression than usual, until at last even the king protested against the activities of his cabinet. The more conciliatory policy followed since 1927 has not moderated unrest to any extent. To the Communist activities must also be added unrest among the peasants, and industrial strikes.

In consequence of these factors, the unrest over Macedonia, and constant party struggles, Tsankoff has for some time been urging the formation of a non-party government and a corporative parliament. The results are, of course, unpredictable, but the history of the dictatorships in Greece and Yugoslavia makes it seem unlikely that the Bulgarian experiment will be immediately successful. ZENO.