The last straw in the Norfolk controversy was gently laid on by the Boston Traveller yesterday. A vast three inch head across the top of its columns streamed forth the news that Norfolk prison graft had been bared in the Hurley Report; it was not until the story had lapsed into small type that the Traveller admitted two very important things--that the report had not yet been submitted to Governor Ely, and that whatever information the Traveller possessed on its contents came from "persons in the State House close to the Hurley probe." When it had retreated safely into the inner pages, the Traveller became increasingly generous and increasingly reserved; the historian's "ut fertur" appeared, all statements were pegged on to "competent observers", and learned "on good authority." In other words, the Traveller must dilute its vitriol; but holds which are barred in six point type are legalized in ninety six point, where they may be expected to do the most harm, or the greatest service.

Yellow journalism, as a cult, is complicated and interesting; its high priests have been more venerated in America than elsewhere, and more dangerous. The first article in its creed is that all of the basic problems, all of the really sensational problems of our society, should not be touched; the large type is reserved for those who are either helpless or insignificant, who can be expected to feel the storm without retaliation. Superintendent Gill of Norfolk presented an obvious opportunity. He is a subordinate state official, engaged in a revolutionary penal experiment, without important political or financial backing. He has, as the administrator of sizeable appropriations, made many important political enemies. Prisons are good copy for the sensational journalist; the common-place of any prison life, skillfully stated, can easily assume the character of a public scandal. Mr. Osborne was driven from Sing Sing by just such an attack, and although every charge made against him was publicly disproved, he found it impossible to remain at his post.

The data on the Norfolk controversy are available to anyone. The prison has been open to visitors since Mr. Gill became superintendent; last month W. Cameron Forbes wrote a careful and scholarly report on Norfolk and Mr. Gill's administration. Yet the published report of an eminent public official has been ignored, and press leaks on an unpublished report, made by the State Auditor, have furnished the material for a wild newspaper campaign, although no charge made by the Auditor has been proved and although the Auditor was forbidden by Governor Ely to release any advance publicity on his findings. If, as Governor Ely says, Mr. Gill is no longer "available after what has happened," Massachusetts need not forget that "what has happened" is the work of the newspapers, and of the illegal sources from which their material has been drawn. Who are the "persons in the State House close to the Hurley probe"? The state has a right to know.