The industrial committee headed by Mr. Gerard Swope has broken into revolt at last. They announce that they are amenable to government partnership in business, but beg to register a vote in favour of what they call industrial self government. In other words, now that the machinery of regimentation is being set up for the joint control of capital, labour, and the consumer, capital is in favour of it if labour and the consumer are withdrawn from the helm, and the industrialists are left to their own dainty devices.

It is very difficult to see that this would mean anything except Fascism. Regimentation under the control of capital is the chiefest aim of Fascism, and what can emerge as a popular movement in more disorganized nations appears in the United States as a pleasant and parliamentary suggestion. George Soule pointed out last week in the New Republic that this stream must be crossed by the administration; capital can be bearded when it is prosperous, but the gentle reformer must watch for his skin if its real security is threatened.

There is small question that capital in the United States will have to set to work very grimly for its own preservation, as it did in Italy and Germany, and is doing in Great Britain. It cannot afford to temporize or to concede, and if the administration does not back down in the fashion of the German and English reform parties, a very sizeable clash will be the result. The President, I feel, has had his day of liberalism, and, in Mr. Soule's figure, the new deal will "turn up the old marked cards" once more.

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Secretary Farley, who entered the lists for McKee in such a way as to involve President Roosevelt, is finding his role very difficult as the waves recede on either side. First, it will be remembered, Mr. Curry tricked him into a pledge to support the regular Democratic candidate Dr. O'Brien. The President became a little restless under this stratagem, but when Mr. LaGuardia really let loose at McKee and Farley, he felt that a little easing was in order. Accordingly, Mr. Farley has been instructed to announce that his support of McKee is a personal fealty which does not involve Washington.

The Secretary is thereby placed in a position doubly ignominious. But surely the reflection on Mr. Roosevelt is of a more weighty kind; if ever the spiritual head of a party should intervene in a local concern, the deposition of O'Brien should have challenged the President's responsibility. Here was the largest city in the republic, chained to a political machine hopelessly inefficient and corrupt. Gladstone was no Platonic guardian, but there were limits which his vassals could not pass. Instead, the President was silent, and allowed his lieutenant to engineer a very questionable candidacy which threatened the success of Mr. LaGuardia, behind whom the large part of New York's civilized voters were aligned. Now he is attempting a dignified exit. But he lost a great opportunity to strike a blow for decent municipal government, and if Dr. O'Brien remains in power, New York will remember his failure.