My preference for Hughes over Wilson is based chiefly on points of foreign policy. I am in sympathy with the organized labor movement in this country, and I believe that movement will find a sincerer friend in Hughes than in Wilson. I am in sympathy with the German-American citizens of this country, and I believe that in dealing with them Hughes will show greater political sagacity and a keener sense of historical values than has the Anglophile author of the "History of the American People."

But, above all, I am concerned about the station of my country among nations and that station, I hold, will be irretrievably impaired if Woodrow Wilson retains his seat in Washington. His foreign policy has been puerile, spasmodic and spineless. Hughes can do no worse. I am sure he will do far better, his whole past record has been one of steadfast and manly adherence to principle.

Hatred Incurred In Mexico.

What have we done in Mexico? Our initial purpose was to befriend a sister republic; we have ended by incurring a hatred which generations of painstaking diplomacy may not obliterate. Our refusal to recognize Huerta, our brazen attempt to regulate) Mexican politics, our bluster at Tampico and Vera Cruz and our subsequent undignified withdrawal, --these are acts which defy interpretation in terms of any national and con- sistent policy. We befriended Villa, we countenanced Carranza, and we failed utterly to protect American rights and American lives. After the massacres at Santa Ysabel and Columbus, we started out to "get Villa." Today our troops are returning with purpose unaccomplished, leaving their dead and their country's honor on the sands of Mexico. The eagle that screamed so bravely at Tampico is glad to come back to roost "at any price," and we are once more the laughing-stock of the world.

Foreign Policy Shamefully Weak.

In Europe our record is no better. We have failed more shamefully than in Mexico to maintain our rights on land and sea. We failed to prevent the loss of American lives on the Lusitania; we failed to prevent British bullying and piracy on the high seas. Had we made our principle of strict accountability clear and unmistakable before the Lusitania sailed, we might have prevented a great catastrophe, and moreover retained the respect of a great nation. Had we brought England to her senses by so simple an expedient as the stoppage of munitions, we might have prevented the pilfering of our mails and an insolent dictation in our private affairs. Thanks to Wilson's compliancy, we may soon find ourselves among those peaceful but weak nations whose rights England has so generously undertaken to protect.

Weakness in the maintenance of just rights invites attack. The best guarantee of peace is the respect of other nations. The first step to regain this respect is to elect a man who is adequately vertebrated and who is energetically American