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English VI.

Debate of May 15, 1895.

Question: "Resolved, That, if it were possible, a reasonable property qualification for the exercise of the municipal franchise in the United States would be desirable."

Brief for the Affirmative.

E. P. WILLIAMS and J. A. FAIRLIE.

Best general references: Popular Scientific Monthly, xxx, 296, 520 (Jan., Feb., 1887); No. Am. Rev., vol. 137, 218 (Sept., 1883); A. D. White in Forum, x, 357 (Nov., 1890); C. W. Eliot in Forum, xii, 153 (Oct., 1891); A. P. Wilder, Municipal Reform, 44-56.

I. The franchise is a privilege to be granted to those most likely to use it for the public welfare: Pomeroy, Const. Law, S S 207-209, 256 h; Cooley, Const. Limit; 752-756; Minor v. Happersett, 21 Wallace, 162.

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II. A property qualification for the municipal franchise will confer it upon those most likely to use it for the public welfare: Lalor, III, 811. - (a) It will make a more intelligent class of voters. - (b) It will exclude those indifferent to the public welfare. A. P. Wilder, 52. - (1) Dependent classes, susceptible to bribery. - (2) Pauper immigrants.

III. Experience shows that those cities which have a property qualification are better governed than those which have an unrestricted suffrage. Nation, xxxiv, 245, 267 (Mar. 23, 30, 1882); Shaw: Municipal Government in Great Britain, 45, 77; New Review, 11, 74, 499 (July, Nov., 1894); Forum, 17, 659 (Aug., 1894). - (a) Municipal government in the United States is extravagant, inefficient and corrupt. - (b) European cities, having property qualification are economically and efficiently governed.

Brief for the Negative.

W. E. HUTTON and J. C. ROWE.

Best general references: Bryce, American Commonwealth, I, chs. 51, 52; H. C. Adams, Public Debts, 343-375; A. P. Wilder, The Municipal Problem; Johns Hopkins Studies, extra vol. II, 264-295; Joseph Chamberlain in Forum, XIV, 267; Report of National Conference for Good City Government, 1894; Bibliographies of Municipal Government in preceding report, and in Providence Public Library Bulletin, Feb. 1895.

I. A broad suffrage in cities is on general principles, desirable. - (a) All citizens have a stake in the government. - (b) It is in keeping with the spirit of democratic institutions. - (c) It gives representation to all classes. - (d) It gives security to the government. - (e) It has great educational value. - (f) It has given the best results in practice.

II. Existing municipal evils do not justify a radical change in the suffrage. - (a) Improvement is being made on other lines: Bryce, Vol. 1, 619. - (b) Existing evils are due chiefly to causes apart from the suffrage. - (1) To the absence of municipal ideals. - (2) To the indifference of the "better classes." - (3) To mixing national and state with city politics. - (4) To excessive interference by legislatures in local affairs. - (5) To unsatisfactory charter arrangements. - (6) To corrupt influence of property owners, corporations and rich men: Adams, Public Debts, p. 365. - (c) Businesslike administration and present broad suffrage are not necessarily inconsistent, as shown by - (1) Reformed city governments. - (2) Perfection of certain departments, e. g., Fire and Police Departments. - (3) Foreign experience, e. g., Birmingham: Forum, Vol. 14, p. 267. - (4) The judgment of reformers and practical men. - (d) Undesirable voters can be excluded in more direct and practicable ways. - (1) The ignorant, by an educational qualification. - (2) The corrupt, by more efficient bribery laws. - (3) Criminals by disfranchisement. - (4) The "floaters," by residence qualifications.

III. A property qualification is especially objectionable: J. S. Mill's Representative Government, p. 173. - (a) Wealth is not a true index to - (1) ability - (2) public virtue - (3) interest in municipal affairs. - (b) It would be accompanied by serious evils. - (1) It would be difficult to determine what is "reasonable." - (2) It would be difficult to apply. - (3) It would work crudely and unequally. - (x) By excluding many good voters. - (y) By including many bad voters. - (4) It would remove a strong educational force. - (5) It would lead to agitation and discontent.

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