An interesting debate took place at the Union last evening on the subject of the Irish Coercion Bill, now pending before the British Parliament.

Mr. Warren opened the case for the affirmative. He referred to the prevalence of crime in Ireland at the present time, which disturbs the whole country, and calls most emphatically for repressive measures on the part of the government. No less than 836 cases of boycotting came to light during a single month of the present year. The system is used to terrorize both laborers and employers. No jury will convict a member of the National League for fear of bringing this engine of oppression down upon it. To punish such crimes as these, a measure of coercion is the only possible or sensible policy for the government to pursue.

Mr. Coulson, on the negative, criticised severely the ground taken by the preceding speaker. Mr. Gladstone, said he, has denounced this Coercion Bill as the most causeless and insulting bill ever introduced into Parliament. Instead of being the home of criminals, as so many say it is, Ireland is a country exceptionally free from crime, and statistics prove it. Under coercion, in 1881, the number of crimes committed in Ireland was more than four times greater than those committed in 1886 when there was no coercion. Relatively to the population, England and Scotland are far more criminal countries than Ireland, as are Iowa and Massachusetts. If there is to be any coercion, it should be applied to England and America rather than to Ireland.

Mr. Green followed for the affirmative. England has a choice between a measure of coercion, and a policy of much milder character. The latter would not prevent crime, or prove of any use whatever. Coercion is absolutely necessary. The present bill is neither unjust, nor unnecessarily harsh in its provisions. Those which appear so are necessary to meet the revolutionary machinations of the National League.

Mr. Butterworth, on the negative, reminded the Union of the fact that by statistics it can be proved that the condition of Ireland does not justify coercion. Every one of the 87 coercion acts introduced during the present century was an act of barbarism! He criticised severely those sections of the bill which provide for the trial of offences by a foreign judge and by foreign juries. Public sentiment both in England and America has declared against it. It is unlawful, unwise and unjust.

The following gentlemen spoke from the floor: Aff., Merriam, L. S., Hesseltine, '88, Neg., O. B. Judson, '90, Balch, '90, Drew, '89, F. M. Brown, '88, Shaughnessy, L. S., Mahany, '88.

The debate was decided in favor of the negative.